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MR. POWELL'S DEFENSE 



SPEECH 




HON. L. W. POWELL, OF KENTUCKY, 



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IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, MARCH 14, 1862. 



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The Senate having under consideration the resolution 
for tl)e expulsion ol" Mr. Powell, reported upon adversely 
by the Coiniiiitlee on the Judiciary — 

Mr. POWELL s:iid: 

Mr. President: I liadlioped tliat after the Judi- 
ciary Committee had made their report, tlin vote 
would be taken wiilioutaiiy discussion. I at least, 
on my part, after the report of that committee, 
was willing that the vote should be taken without 
saying a word on the subject. But after the very 
extraordinary speecli of iny colleague, I am com- 
pelled, it) my own defense, to make a reply. I 
trust, sir, that in the reply whicli I shall make, I 
shall be governed by feelings of just consideration 
to the Senate, that I shall approach the subject 
calmly, dispassionately, and seriously, duly im- 
pressed with the solemn circumstances by which 
1 am surrounded, and the awful consequences to 
me individually of the action of the Senate. 

My colleague was kind enough in the very 
lengthy, and I must say somewliat bitter, speech 
that he delivered, to speak kindly of me, person- 
ally. For that, 1 thank him. I shall not, I trust, 
be governed by that impetuosity of temper, if 
not bitterness of feeling, that characterized my 
colleague. My colleague's conduct in this whole 
matter has been, I confess, somewhat aslonisli- 
ing to me; yet I have no complaints to make of 
it. He has rights liere as much as any other in- 
dividual Senator. I accord to him most cheer- 
fully all his rights and privileges. He stated to 
the Senate that this was a very unpleasant duty 
he had to perform. I hope that it was unpleasant, 
notwiilistanding my colleague's disclaimer — his 
bearirig, his manner, his temper, indicated to my 
mind that he was engaged in what to him was a 
worFcof love. But, Mr. President, there is a way 
of performing unpleasant duties that sometimes 
disarms them of a great deal of their apparent 
liarshness. 

My colleague is the author of the resolution. 
It is before me now in his own handwriting. [Mr. 
Davis assented.] It was presented, however, by 
another Senator. I have no complaintagainst the 
honorable Senator who presetited it, because my 
colleague is presumed to know all the facts con- 
nected with tliis matter better than any otlier Sen- 
ator, or at least the action of the State of Ken- 
tucky; and, as he makes the charges, I do not 
attach the least blame to any Senator for present- 



ing the resolution. I think, however, my col- 
league acted a little ungenerously in this, that 
while he was laboriously engaged in drawing up 
jiis bill of indictment, he did not notify me of the 
fact. The first intimation I had of it was when 
the resolution was presented by the honorable /st 
Senator from Minnesota; and I must confess that ,at I 
when I looked at it at the Clerk's desk and found 
it to be in my colleague's handwriting, I was some- 
what amazed. 1 thought courtesy at least to a 
colleague would have induced the Senator to no- 
tify me of what he proposed to do. He did not 
do it. The case went to the Committee on the Ju- 
diciary; and, as the honorable Senator from Illi- 
nois, the chairman of that committee, announced, 
1 did promptly, and I trust delicatelj'-, ask the com- 
mittee to give it the earliest possible attention. 
Before that committee, however, had time to con- 
clude their investigation, such was the hot haste 
and zeal of my colleague, that ho publicly in the 
Senate Chamber demanded of the committee to 
know why they had not reported, or atleasturged 
them to report as speedily as possible. They did 
report that the resolution ought not to pass; and 
the very day that they made the report, my col- 
league notified the Senate that he would move on 
the next day to take it up. It did strike me that 
if my colleague had been governed by that cour- 
tesy which I am sure I would have extended to 
him, he would have come to me and consulted 
with me as to whether it would be convenient for 
me to have it taken up the next day or not; but he 
said not a word to ine about it. 

Of all this I do not complain, because I have 
been always ready to meet the charges. Con- 
scious of my innocence, I felt that I could success- 
fully meet them before any intelligent and impar- 
tial tribunal at any moment; and hence 1 have 
been prepared for the conflict from the very first 
day the resolution was introduced; for 

" Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just." 

I merely mention these things in passing; and 
I now notify my colleague that if ever I shall be 
under the painful necessity of making any assault 
upon him, in any way whatever, I will never do 
it through another. If I shall ever think it is ray 
duty to do it, I will notify him of the fact, and I 
will do it in my own proper person. That is the 
way I will treat him. My sense of justice to a 



" That is the neutrality of Kentucky, and that I under- 
stand to be the reason why she assuins^s to be neutral. It 
is the first time in the history of tliat pioud Commonwealth 
that slie ever failed to respond to tlie call upon the country 
for volunteers ; she never was called upon to fijjlit a public 
and foreign enemy that her true and gallant sons did not 
rush to the stanilard of the country in numbers so great that 
many bail to be turned back. In other wars, in the war of 
1812, and the war with Mexico, twenty times more men 
than could be lak<m were presented; and she would be 
ready to do it again, if it were a war against a foreign enemy ; 
butshe has uodesireto shed the blood of a brother, whether 
of the North or South. I think her position is one that 
should be admired and esteemed by all patriotic men, by 
all Christian men, by all meu who love their country and 
love the Union. 

" She stands in an attitude, if pos.= ible, of a peacemaker, 
between the belligerents North and South, and I hope she 
may be permitted to maintain that altitude. It was one 
not taken out of any hostility to the Government ; slie took 
it because she believed it was the only means possible by 
which those difficulties could be averted , our country saved, 
the Union restored, and our people once more made pros- 
perous, contented, and happy. 

" I am aware that the position of my State is not palata- 
ble to gentleman who rush fiercely on to this war. I am 
aware also that persons in the extreme South, perhaps, are 
not satisfied with the condition of Kentucky. They think 
we ought to unsheathe our sword at once, and make com- 
mon quarrel with them. We have chosen to act differeinly, 

d we will, with the blessing of God, maintain our posi- 
if neutrality. This immense armament called out by 
the I'resident looked to us as if this were to be ii war of 
subjugation, and not one in defense of the public property. 
For that, in addition to the other reasons 1 have stated, we 
wished to present, if possible, a barrier between the fierce 
conflicting elements North and South, and restore peace 
to this country." 

That was the neutrality of which I was the 
advocate, and I tliought tliat the whole people of 
Kentucky who assumed it were alike honest with 
myself. I knew the position was somewhat anoiti- 
alous, and I told some of my Union friends that 
I feared we should not be able to maintain it; but 
I said to them, "as you iiave taken it, for the 
peace of the State, for the common good, I will 
cooperate with you." I did cooperate and went 
not a wiiit further than the Union party went, as 
I will show yoy, though my colleague seems now 
to think, indeed declares, that they were not in 
earnest but were fixing up some clap-ti-ap to cheat 
the people. If so, they deluded me on their plat- 
form, and because I went upon it and advocated 
it, as I always advocate everything, in public or 
private life, lionestly, they want to sacrifice me. 
That is the truth, and I will make it manifest here. 
That is the only time I ever thought 1 wasacting 
politically with my colleague; and it seems I was 
utterly mistaken in that; that I have been made the 
dupe, that I have been deceived by the artifice, in- 
sincerity, and political juggling of my colleague 
and those with whom he acted. 

If my colleague wishes the extensive popularity 
which he imputes to me — a popularity I do not 
claim to have — I will say, that if he will act as I 
have acted in this and all other matters, consist- 
ently, with integrity, witii honest directness, the 
noble people of Kentucky will sustain him. If 1 
have any popularity, I got it in that way. I never, 
never attempted to ileceive them in anything. I 
do not claim the popularity that my colleague im- 
putes to me; but if I have it, it is because I have 
been true and faithful to the people, uttered my 
convictions honestly, without fear and without 
favor. I have announced them and carried them 



out as far as 1 could, consistently with public duty 
and public interest. 

My colleague pronounced his usual philippic 
against the Breckinridge Democracy. Because 
Breckinridge has gone with the southern confed- 
eracy he seems to think that lie can overwhelm 
any opponent by announcing that he has been of 
that party. I saw no necessity for his thrice- 
uttered philippic .here against the Breckinridge 
party. It is true. Senators, that in my State, and 
perhaps in other Slates, many of those who sup- 
ported Major Breckinridge for the Presidency are 
in the southern confederacy. It is also true that 
many who co6[>erated with my colleague and sup- 
ported John Bell are there. 1 do not supposi;my 
colleague is responsible because John Bell is in 
the confederate cause. He certainly should not 
make me responsible because Breckinridge is on 
thatside, unless he takes the responsibility to him- 
self because Bell is there. Breckinridge went 
there; I did not. Bell went; my colleague did 
not. What is the logic of that rule .' I know that 
some of the most distinguished men of both the 
Douglas and the Bell party in Kentucky are with 
that confederation. The gentleman .singled out a 
few Breckinridge men in the Legislature, upon 
whom he pronounced a glowing eulogy. I sup- 
pose they voted for him for Senator. I know those 
members of the Legislature to whom my colleague 
referred. They are honorable, worthy, and tal- 
ented gentlemen. Why, sir, a distinguished gen- 
tleman, who pronounced himself a little while 
liefore that an unconditional Union man, in the 
gentleman 'sown neighborhood. Colonel Hanson, 
one of the most distinguished of the Bell men, by 
the by, a gentleman of ability and of talents and 
courage, was, unfortunately for himself, captured 
at the head of his regiment at Fort Donelson. 
Then there was another distinguished Union Bell 
friend, one of his electors, who is now a member 
of the confederate congress, Colonel Crockett, 
another gentleman of ability and valor from the 
town in which I myself live. Is ray colleague 
responsible for these things .' Certainly not. Why 
then, does he 'attempt to attach responsibility to 
me because of the action of the Breckinridge De- 
mocracy. That is all bosh, fustian-stuff. There 
is nothing in it. In these times it is as much as 
a man can do to take care of himself. 

My colleague told the Senate, too, that my as- 
sociates and myself are responsible for the devas- 
tation of a large portion of Kentucky. I was 
amazed when my colleague made that announce- 
ment. How I could be responsible, when from the 
beginning, as the Senate know, I have been for 
peace.' I have been opposed to the war, and for that 
offense my colleague wishes me expelled from the 
Senate; for that is the charge, that 1 have been op- 
posed to coercion. In every act of my life, in this 
whole connection, I have opposed the war, and 
striven in Kentucky, in mass meetings and other- 
wise, to keep the peace — to keep the hostile armies 
of the confederate States and of the United States 
from our borders. Then, how could I be respons- 
ible? I was really amazed. I could not tell; I did 
not know by what logic or what deduction of rea- 
soning my colleague could make me responsible 
for the invasion oi Kentucky. I can tell my col- 



leaa:ue tliat when the passions of the day shall 
have subsided and reason shall have resumed its 
thronft*and this whole affair shall be calmly in- 
vestigated, the responsibility for the invasion of 
Kentucky will attach to others than myself. It 
will attach to those who got on this neutrality 
platform for the purpose of diverting the attention 
of the people, who were not in earnest about it, 
and who then went about organizing camps of 
Federal soldiersatCanip Dick Robinson and other 
places. In my judgment, the responsibility for 
this war in Kentucky attaches to them. I will 
not charge it upon anybody; but I know that I 
had nothing to do with it, for I was opposed from 
the beginning to the war being brought into Ken- 
tucky." I tried to avert it. I tried in my place in 
the Senate, as I shall presently show, to settle 
these difficulties by conciliation, by compromise. 
I failed. I then assumed neutrality along with the 
Senator's party. That was overthrown against 
my earnest protest, and how he can possibly make 
me responsible for the introduction of hostile 
troops into Kentucky, I am at a loss to know. I 
know that I am in no way responsible for it; and 
I do not fear to meet the people of Kentucky to 
discuss before them the whole matter. 

My colleague, in commenting on one of the 
resolutions of that little county meeting in Hen- 
derson, made a singular announcement; but it was 
only singular in view of what I had known to be 
the political history of my colleague. The state- 
ment to which I allude was, that he had always 
been an unconditional Union man. I have here 
the proceedings of a meeting at which my col- 
league was present, that I will read to the Senate, 
and 1 will read some of the resolutions of the meet- 
ing, and then I will ask the Senate how the reso- 
lutions reported by my colleague as chairman of 
the committee, and which it was said were passed 
unanimously by a large mass meeting, comport 
with his declaration that he has always been an 
unconditional Union man. I allude to resolutions 
adopted by the Union State conventions held in 
Louisville, on the 8th of January, 1861. I take 
them up at tiiis time, because I wish to place be- 
fore the Senate in a consecutive manner the action 
of the Union party on the neutrality question. 
That action of course commenced after the Presi- 
dent issued his proclamation forseveniy-five thou- 
sand men on the 15th of April; but as these con- 
ventions were anterior to that time, I allude to 
them now. I wish to show where my colleague 
and the Union men of Kentucky then stood. I 
was at that time in the Senate Chamber, fighting 
for the Crittenden compromise, as the Senate 
know, and was exerting every effort I possibly 
could to have it passed, and to have our difficul- 
ties settled amicably, peaceably, without war, in 
order to avoid bloodshed and the final disruption 
of the Union: 

"Tlio following resolutions were reported to the Union 
Democratic State convention by a conniiittee composed of 
the following gentlemen : Governor Di.voii" — 

Now a distinguished Union man, my inti- 
mate, personal friend, once a member of the 
Senate, who lives in the same village in which I 
reside — 
« William G. Thompson, Judge Barbee, J. P. Barbour, Al- 



exander Luske, John Jackson, V. B. Young, T. "L. Jones, 
J. F. Bullitt"— 

Now one of our supreme judges — 
" Anil to the TTnion Stnte convention Ivy the following com- 
mittee : Hon. Garrett Davis, Hon. Joshua F. Bell" — 

Tiie gentleman who my colleague said, if hi; had 
been elected Governor would have given troops — 
"J. L. Shacklcfoid, John W. Crockett"— 

A gentleman who is now in theconfedei'ate con- 
gress — 

" VV. L. Underwood, Z. Wheat, Thomas W. Riley, William 
C. Goodloe, Orlando Brown, J. B. Huston, and James 
Taylor." 

The Senate will notice in this committee some 
of the most distinguished gentlemen in Kentucky. 
Joshua F. Bell is an ex-member of Congress, and 
was the late candidate of the gentleman's party 
for Governor. Warner L. Underwood was re- 
cently a member of the other House. Z. Wheat 
is an ex-judge of our supreme court. Thomas W. 
Riley is a distinguished attorney. William C. 
Goodloe is at present one of the circuit judges of 
Kentucky. Orlando Brown is the late secretary 
of state and a distinguished politician. J. B. 
Huston is now one of the most distinguished 
Union men in the Kentucky Legislature. 

The Senate may think it strange that there were 
two committees there, but I will explain that. 
The Douglas men and the Bell men both had con- 
ventions in the city of Louisville on the same day, 
they met in different halls; but they agreed through 
the instrumentality of committees tipon the same 
resolutions; and hence it is said "they were re- 
ported to tiieir respective conventions by the sep- 
arate committees, and \inanimously adopted." 
These resolutions go on to treat generally of our 
difficulties, of the aggressions of the North, and 
expressed very great devotion to the Union. They 
then copy the entire Crittenden amendments to the 
Constitution, and proceed to resolve as follows: 

•' Rcsolretl, That we reconnnend totheLegislalnreof the 
State to put these amendments in form and submit tli<:m to 
the other States, and that if the disorganization of the pres- 
ent Union is not arrested, the States agreeing to these 
amendments of the Federal Constitution shall form a sep- 
arate confederacy, with power to admit new States under 
our glorious Constitution thus amended." 

Senators, you see that my colleague, as chair- 
man of a committee composed of the most dis- 
tinguished citizens of the State, reported a reso- 
lutron as early as tiie 8th of January, 1861, in 
which they say that if the States do not take the 
Crittenden compromise, and the disorganization 
of the Union is not arrested, they recommend to 
the Kentucky Legislature, which was then in 
session or about to convene, to put it in form and 
submit it to the States, and that such States as 
adopted it should form a separate confederacy, 
with power to admit new States. That is the un- 
conditional unionism of my colleague. Certainly 
he has shown nothing that 1 have ever had any- 
thing to do with, so direct as that. 

While I produce this resolution here, and show 
the character of the men who attended that meet- 
ing and passed it, I do not intend to charge my 
colleague with disloyally; neither do I intend to 
charge it upon any of the distinguished gentlemen 
who participated in that meeting. I believe they 
are loyal men; 1 believe they are Union men; for 



6 



they expressed tlieir attachment to tlie Union in 
these very resolutions, as I before stated; but there 
was a contingency in their unionism. My col- 
league asked the Legislature ot' Kentucky to pass 
the Crittenden amendments to the Constitution, 
invite the cooperation of other States, and then to 
form a new Union upon the Constitution thus 
amended. That is a kind of unconditional union- 
ism that I do not understand. If I had been in 
that meeting, I have no doubt that my colleague 
would have had it in his charges, and for that he 
would have asked, that I be driven, dishonored, 
disgraced from the Senate because I was disloyal ; 
but when he and his Union friends do it, it is all 
right. They are to receive the plaudits, I sup- 
pose, of a grateful people for doing that, which 
if I had done he would say should stamp me with 
eternal infamy. That was at an early time in this 
revolution, before the war had commenced — before 
a gun was fired, when the flag of the Union still 
waved over Fort Sumter — even at that early day 
my colleague had a condition in his unionism. 

In the resolution just read, my colleague and 
bis friends declare their intention and purpose, if 
the disorganization of the Union is not arrested, 
to break up the old Union and to form a new one. 
So far from being unconditional Union men, they 
distinctly avow their intention, in a certain con- 
tingency, which is set forth in the resolution, to 
form a new Union. They were for abandoning 
the old Union before a gun had been fired in its 
defense. The disorganization of which they spoke 
has not been arrested. The Crittenden amend- 
ments have been adopted by no States. With a 
full knowledge of these facts, my colleague yester- 
day distinctly told the Senate that he had always 
been an unconditional Union man. I will make 
no comments upon his sincerity or consistency, 
let the facts speak for themselves. 

These distinguished gentlemen said further in 
their resolutions: 

" Resolved, That we deplore the existence of a Union to 
1)0 lifid together hy the sword, with laws to be enforced liy 
standiui; ainiies. It is not such a Union as our fathers in- 
tended, and not worth preserving." 

That was the language of the Bell men and the 
Douglas men in Louisville in mass meeting. Yet 
the gentleman arraigns me for opposing coercion. 
They pronounced themselves against any such 
thing, and said that a Union held together by force 
was not worth preserving. He has introduced 
some resolutions in his charges against coercion, 
passed by political meetings attended by me, and 
asks that I be driven from the Senate because I 
advocated them and was opposed to coercion. 
My colleague has been very eulogistic of himself 
and the Union party of Kentucky; and he asks 
my condemnation and expulsion from the Senate 
for advocating the very principle set forth in the 
resolution last read, which was passed unani- 
mously in mass meeting by himself and friends. 
What think you, Senators, of my colleague's 
sense of justice? 

I introduce those matters for the purpose of 
showing what was the public mind of Kentucky. 
When I was urging the integrity of the Union, 
and not intimating that in any contingency I was 
for dissolution, my colleague and his friends were 



engaged in mass meeting, sending fortli to the 
country and to the world resolutions th^ if the 
States did not take the Crittenden amendments, 
they were for uniting only the States that would 
adopt them, with power to admit new States, and 
turning the States that would not adopt the Crit- 
tenden amendments out of the Union. I am sorry 
my colleague did not think of these things wlien 
he was arraigning me for disloyally to the Union. 

I now ask the indulgence of tlie Senate while I 
show by the resolutions of the Union men of Ken- 
tucky, by their addresses, and by their legislative 
resolves, that tliey were in favor of neutrality, 
that they did approve the action of Governor Ma- 
goffin in refusing troops in obedience to the call 
of the President. I hold in my hand the Louis- 
ville Democratof the 19lh of April last, containing 
the proceedings of a Union meeting held in the 
city of Louisville on the previous evening. It is 
headed: 

" Groat meeting. Kentucky to stand neutral in the Union. 
Hands otr on both sides. Fivethonsand Union men. Elo- 
quent speeches by Hon. James Guthrie, Ex-Senator Dixon, 
Hon. John Young Brown, and Judge Bullock. Resolutions 
worthy of Kentucky." 

I will read to the Senate some of the resolutions 
of this meeting: and I will hand to the reporter, to 
be published as an appendix to my speech, the 
whole resolutions and proceedingsof the meetings 
to which I may allude, this among others, because 
I wish to make a record of them that the people 
of Kentucky may in after time know who it was 
that inaugurated neutrality, and who it was that 
stood upon it, and who it was that abandoned it. 
The meeting was organized by calling Judge Pir- 
tle to the chair. 

" Hon. Nat. Wolfe moved the appointmont of a comniit- 
t(!e on resolutions, and the following gentlemen were ac- 
corilingly appointed to draft resolutions expressive of the 
sfiitiMieiits and sense of the meeting. Nat. Wolfe, Lovel 
Rosscau, [now General Rosscau,] Joseph Speed, G. A. 
Honghton, J. H.Harney, [the editor of the Limisville Dem- 
ocrat,] and Judge Bullock." 

The committee reported a series of resolutions, 
from which I will read a few extracts: 

"3. That as we oppose the call of the President for vol- 
unteers for the purpose of coercing the seceded States, so 
we oppose the raising of troops in this State to cooperate 
with the southern confederacy." * * * * 

'• 6. That the present duty of Kentucky is to maintain 
her present independent position, taking sides not with 
the Administration nor with the seceding States, hut with 
the Union against them both, declaring her soil to be sacred 
from the hostile tread of either, and if necessary, to make 
th(^ declaration good with her strong riglit arm." 

That was the meeting which inaugurated neu- 
trality. The gentleman censures the resolutions 
of the meeting at which I was prcsi'iit, held after- 
wards, because they said that if the forces of either 
belligerent came upon the State, they should be 
expelled. Here the Union men of Louisville, at 
the very time they inaugurated neutrality, de- 
clared that they would make it good by the strong 
right arm. What did that mean .' That they would 
maintain the neutrality by force, if needs be. It. 
meant nothing else. I will read another resolu- 
tion of that meeting : 

" 7. That to the end Kentucky may be fully prepared for 
any contingency, we would liave lier arm herself thor- 
oughly, at the earliest practicable mouient, by regular legal 
"action." 



Yes, they wished to have the State armed for 
the purpose of maintaining her neutrality by their 
good right arms. Now, let me read a few extracts 
from tlie si:)eeches delivered before that meeting. 
Hon. James Guthrie addressed the meeting. He 
said: 

'• Now, ill tlio action of tlie sputliprn confederacy and 
tliat of Mr. Lincoln, tin; friends of botli parties find ex- 
ciisi's for tliejii ; but when it was tlie peace of the country 
and till' saving it from war and bloodshed, then tlieie should 
liave been no interference of etiquette to prevent such a 
drciulful calamity. Kentucky spolie as her statesmen have 
always spoken, of conciliation, peace, harmony, and a 
fintil settlement. But war has been inaugurateti. Fort 
Sumter has fallen. The President has issued a proclama- 
tion calling for seventy-five thousand men ; but he has not 
told us what he is going to do with them. Is he going to 
retake Fort Sumter.' Is he going to defend Fort Pickens? 
If so, why does he congregate them at Washington.'" 

" I want Kentucky to take her stand for peace, and ap- 
peal to that still, small voice in the North crying for peace. 
There are religious men from habit, education, and from 
profession, whose hearts, when Kentucky calls for peace, 
will be reached, and whose voice will reach the powers 
that he, and we will have peace." 

" We have asked the South to stay their hands, for we 
had a great vtake in this Governinent, and they have not. 
We plead with Mncoln for peace, and have not been heark- 
ened to. Shall we be hearkened to in the din of arms? 
There will be a time when Kentucky's voice, if she stands 
firm on her own soil, fighting with neither section will be 
heard by millions o.f people of the free States who will 
liearkeu to us and say, ' Why should thcvc be strife be- 
twi'en us and you?' 

"Let us staud boldly and fearlessly, as is characteristic 
of Keiituekians, and cry peace ! Hold fast to that we know 
to be good, and let those men who want to make the exper- 
iment of secession go as individual amateurs, and find con- 
genial spirits for their work." 

"If the North comes to ravage our land, we will meet 
tlicin as Keiituekians always meet their foes. We will meet 
them as Keiituekians should meet them, so long as there is 
a tree for a fortification or a foot of land for a freeman to 
stand upon." 

You .see tliatMr. Guthrie, who is a Union man, 
and who in that speech expressed iiis devotion to 
the Union, declared himself in favor of neutrality. 
In the resolutions of that meeting they declared 
their ardent attachment to the Union, but were 
still in favor of neutrality, and of maintaining it 
with their own right arm. Governor Dixon al.so 
made a speed) at tiiat meeting, from which I shall 
read a brief extract: 

" We do not mean to submit to Linooln. He has com- 
niamled ns to send troops. W^; sent word that Kentucky 
will not do it. Will he compel Ms? Let him not dare it. 
Let him not rouse the sleeping lioness of the border States. 
She sleeps now, still and quiet, but it is not from lack of 
strength, courage, or power. She waits for the assault. 
Let it eoni", and roused she will crush the power that as- 
sails, and drag Mr. Ijincolri from his high placr'. Can he 
make Kentucky hel|) him kill? He has a riiiht to demaml 
troops, and he ilid. Ulenduwer eonUI, as he said, call spirits 
from the vasty diep, hut would they come wlicn (hey were 
called ? Will tli(" troops from Kentucky come at his call ? 
No; they will nrver lend tlienis<'lves to such a cause. 

"15ut keiitncky will stand lirm with her sister border 
States in the cfnter of the liepuhlie, to calm the distracted 
sections. This is her true position, and in it she saves the 
Uitinii and frowns down secession." 

There is certainly nothing in the resolutions 
read by my colleague more pointed than those 
resolutions'of the first meeting in Kentucky that 
inangurnted neutrality — a Union meeting. I will 
next read an extract from the address of tlie Union 



central committee to the people of Kentucky, 
issued on the 17th of April: 

"The alliance between party spirit and the sectional 
question of slavery has at length produced the legitimate 
fruit of such a combination. Disunion and war are upon 
the land. No further retrospect is necessary for the pur- 
poses of this brief address. The past is understood. We 
here propose to touch alone upon the present and the future. 

"A condition of hostilities, as is known, exists between 
the seceding States and the national Government, spring- 
ing inimediatelvfrom tlie seizure by theformerofone of tlie 
national forts. " The President, in view of this seizure, and 
of the kindred acts committed prcvionsly by the seceding 
Stales, and of the secession nut of which the acts have 
grown, has published a proclamation calling forth the mili- 
tia of the several States of the Union to supjness what he 
describes as ' combinations too powerful to be suppressed 
in the ordinary way,' and to ' execute the laws,' appealing 
at the same time to ' all loyal citizens to facilitate and aid 
this effort to maintain the laws and the integrity of the na- 
tional Union and the perpetuity of |>opular governments, 
and redress wrongs that have long been endured.' Ken- 
tucky, through herE.xecutive,has already, we understand, 
responded to this appeal. She has refused to comply with 
it. And in this refusal she has acted as became her. IKe 
appro re the response of the Executive of th e Commonwealth. 
One other appeal now demands a response from Kentucky. 

"The Government of the Union has appealed to her to 
furnish men to suppress the revolutionary combinations in 
the cotton States. She has refused ; she has most wisely 
and justly refused. Seditious leaders in the midst of us 
now appeal to her to furnish men to iipliold those combina- 
tions against the Government and the Union. Will she 
comply with this appeal? Ought she to comply witli it? 
We answer, with emphasis, no. 

" If a conviction that the policy of coercion is wild and 
suicidal, promising only to deluge the land in blood and dis- 
solve the Uniini irretrievably in the crimson tide, is a good 
reason, as it is, for Kentucky to withhold her countenance 
and aid from the elfort of the Government to suppress by 
tbrce the revolutionary combinations of the Gulf, surely her 
allegiance, undimmed as yet by a solitary blur, her own 
sovereign interest, and the all but equal interest of the com- 
batants themselves in the maintenance of her present inde- 
pendent relations towards both of them, and finally, the 
sacred and over-arching interest of the national peace and 
of the national life, are good reasons, nay, unanswerable 
and decisive ones, for Kentucky, as the case now presents 
itself, to decline to draw the sword in belialfof the seceding 
States against the Government of the Union." 

There they denounce the doctrine of coercion 
as " wild and suicidal;" yet my colleague arraigns 
me most fiercely upon an extract he read from a 
speech of mine in the Senate, in which I opposed 
the war and opposed the whole policy of coercion. 
For that, forsooth, he says 1 should be driven 
from the Senate, though in the very extract he 
road there was coupled with that, the declaration 
that I opposed coercion becau-se I thought it would 
lead to permanent disunion, that I was for the 
Union, and I believed coercion would destroy it. 
It was my love of Union that caused me to oppose 
coercion, as I distinctly staled. Here the Union 
central committee concur with me, and yet my 
colleague eulogizes them and condemns me. Is 
it because I am a Democrat, and have been a 
Breckinridge Democrat.' I trust my colleague is 
not so prejudiced as to suppose that that which 
is good in others is bad in me; but that is the logic 
of his position. In this address, the Union cen- 
tral committee say further: 

" The present duty of Kentucky is to maintain her pres- 
ent independent jiosition, taking sides not with the Gov- 
ernment and not with the seceding States, but with the 
Union against them both, declaring her soil to be sacred 
from the hostile tread of either.'and, if necessary, make the 
declarajioM i. lod wUh her strong right arm. .And to the end 
that sil'e may lie fully prepared for this last contingency we: 



8 



would liave her arm herself thoroughly at the earliest prac- 
tical moment. 

" What the future duty of Kentucky may be, we, of 
course, cannot with certainty foresee, liut if the enterprise 
announced in the proclamation of the President sliould at 
anytime hereafter assume the aspect of a war for the over- 
running and sulijugation of the seceding States through the 
full assertion therein of the national jurisdiction by a stand- 
ins; military force, we do not hesitate to say that Kentucky 
should promptly unsheathe her sword in belialf of what will 
have then become her common cause.-'' 

The Union central committee were not uncon- 
ditionally for the Union, it seem.s,any more than 
my colleague and his committee were on the 8th 
of January previous: 

" Such an event, if it sliould occur, of which we confess 
there does not appear to be a rational probability, could 
have but one meaning — a meaning which a people jealous 
of their liberty would he keen to detect, and svhich a people 
worthy of liberty would be promi)t and fearless to resist. 
When Kentucky detects this meaning in the action of the 
Government, she ouglit, without counting the cost, to take 
up arms at once against the Government. Until she does 
detect this meaning, she ought to hold herself independent 
of both sides, and compel both sides to respect the inviola- 
bility other soil." 

That address of the Union central committee 
was signed by J. H. Hartley, W. F. Bullock, G. 
D. Prentice, (editor of the Louisville Journal,) 
James Speed, (now a distinguished member of 
the Senate of Kentucky,) Charles Ripley, W. P. 
Boone, P. Tompert, H. Pope, Nat. Wolfe, and 
L. E. Harvie. Certainly nothing the Senator has 
produced from mo is stronger or more pointed 
than this address of the Union committee; and yet 
he eulogizes the conduct of his Union friends and 
censures mine most severely. 

I have shown you. Senators, what was the 
action of the Union party of Kentucky, by their 
resolutions and addresses and speeches. Now, 
allow me to show you their action in the Kentucky 
Legislature. I wish the dates to be borne in mind, 
and in the end you will see whether I misrepre- 
sented the wishes of the people of Kentucky or 
not. On the 22d of January, 1861, the lower 
House of the Kentucky Legislature passed these 
resolutions: 

" Resoheil hytke General .Sssemhly of the Commonwealth 
of Kentucky, 'i'hat this General Assembly has heard with 
profound regret of the resolutions recently adopted by the 
States of New York, Ohio, Maine, and Massachusetts, tend- 
ering men and money to the President of the United States, 
to be used in coercing sovereign States of the South into 
obedience to the Federal Government. 

"Resolved. That this General Assembly receivasthe ac- 
tion of the Legislatures of New York, Ohio, Maine, and 
Massachusetts as the indication of a purpose upon the part 
of the people of those States to further complicate existing 
difficulties by forcing the people of the South to the ex- 
tremity of submission or resistance; and so regarding it, 
the Governor of the State of Kentucky is hereby requested 
to inform the Executivesof each of said States that it is the 
opinion of this General Assembly that whenever the au- 
thorities of these States shall send armed forces to the South 
for the purpose indicated in said resolutions, the people of 
Kentucky, uniting with their brethren of the South, will, 
as one man, resist such invasion of the soil of the South, 
at ail hazards and to the last extremity." 

The first of these resolutions was adopted by 
a vote of yeas 92, nays 0; and the second by a vote 
of yeas 87, nays 6. My colleague may say that 
this was before the present Legislature was elected ; 
but allow me to tell him that Mr. Nat. Wolfe, Mr. 
Euckner, the present Speaker, and many other 
Union men in that Legislature, who voted for tlie 
resolutions, are in the present Legislature. Then 



they passed a resolution recommending the call- 
ing of a national convention, and a resolution 
appointing commissioners to the peace confer- 
ence. The resolutions I first read only passed 
one House; but the following resolutions were 
passed by both Houses, and approved by the 
Governor on the 11th of February, 1861: 

" Resolved hy the General .issemhly of tlie Commonu-eallh 
of Kentucky, Tliat the people of Kentucky view, with the 
most lively apprehension, the dangers that now environ the 
Union and threaten its perpetuity. 

"Resolved, That we appeal to our southern brethren to 
stay the work of secession — to return and make one mighty 
etfort to perpetuate the noble work ol" our forefathers, hal- 
lowed by the recollection of a thousand noble deeds. 

"Resolved, That we protest against the use offon.-e or 
coercion by the General Government against the seceding 
States, as unwise and inexpedient, and tending to the de- 
struction of our common eoinitry." 

There is a resolve, passed by both Houses of 
the Legislature and approved by the Governor, 
against coercion as pointedly as any sentiment I 
ever uttered in this Hall or elsewhere. That was 
passed, you will remember, February 11, 1861. 
The next resolution is in favor of the call of a 
national convention to settle our difficulties. 

Then in April the Legislature passed an act to 
provide for the election of delegates to the border 
State convention to be held at Frankfort. 

Now, I will bring the record down to May, 1861. 
That was after the President had issued his proc- 
lamation. On the 16th of May the Committee 
on Federal Relations of the House reported the 
following resolutions, which were proposed by 
one of the most distinguished Union men in the 
Legislature, an ex-member of this body, Judge 
Underwood, and reported by the Committee on 
Federal Relations: 

"Considering the deplorable condition of the country, 
and for which tlie State of Kentucky is in no way respons- 
ible, and looking to the best means of preserving the inter- 
nal peace, and securing the lives, liberty, and property of 
the citizens of the State: Therefore, 

"Resolved by the House of Representatives, That this State 
and the citizens tliereof shall take no part in the eivil war 
now being waged, except as mediators and friends to the 
belligerent parties; and that Kentucky should, during the 
contest, occupy the position of strict mnitrality ; and your 
connniltee unanimously recommend the adoption of the 
following resolutions." 

There, sir, they take the position of " strict 
neutrality." What is strict neutrality .' It is that 
you will stand indifferent; that you will furnish 
no aid of any kind whatsoever to either of the l>el- 
ligerent parties. That is the meaning of it, and 
that is ail it can meait: 

'• Resolved, That the act of the Governor in refusing to 
I'urnish troops or military force upon the call of the execu- 
tive authority of the United States, under existing circum- 
stances, is approved." 

Yes, sir, the Kentucky Legislature, in May, 
after the issuing of the President's proclamation, 
resolved to stand upon the doctrine of strict neu- 
trality, and they approved of the action of the 
Governor of the Commonwealth in refusing to 
send troops upon the call of the President. The 
first of those resolutions was adopted by a vote 
of 69 yeas to 26 nays, and the second by a vote 
of 89 yeas to 4 nays. Out of the whole body there 
were but four who did not vote to approve the act 
of the Governor in refusing troops to the Presi- 
dent. 



Well, sir, the aliove series of resolutions were 
adopted by the lower House of the Kentucky Lf- 
gisiature. The Senate, on ilie24ili of May, 18fil, 
passed the following resolutions by a vote of 13 
yeas to 9 nays, enunciating similar doctrine in 
different words: 

" Whereas, there exists a civil war between the na- 
tional Goveriimeiit and the secedej States, wliich Ken- 
tucky deeply deplores ; a war she had no voice in creating, 
and in which she has hitherto relused to take part, and she 
now refuses, lieing a part of the national Goveniineiit, 
in the enjoyment of' its bemfils — such as mail tai'ilities, 
national hospitals, Federal courts, protection at home and 
abroad, a garrison paid out o( the national Treasury, into 
which she' is paying revenue — and having a representa- 
tion in Congress, Kentucky ought, at least, to remain neu- 
tral till the end of the controversy; neither hindering the 
national Government in the exercise of its authority, nor 
furnishing men, as a State, to either of the belligerents; 
nor asking aid from either to maintain her position ; she 
will, all the time, be ready and anxious to mediate between 
the belligerents, and will be profoundly happy, should she 
be able to reconcile the contending parties, and arrest the 
shedding of fraternal blood by fraternal hands. With this 
position, Iventucky is willing to go before the civilized 
world, and let her conduct pass into history, and await the 
candid and calm judgment of future and disinterested gen- 
erations. Being connected with the seceded States geo- 
graphically, and havnig the same domestic instii\ition, she 
is unwilling to take up arms against them. Being attached 
to the national Goverimient under which she has always 
lived and greatly prospered, and having no cause for war 
against it, she cannot take up arms to overthrow it. Hav- 
ing, in good faith, taken this position, she asked the belli- 
gerents to respect it : Therefore, 

" 1. Resolved by the General ^sscmhly of the Common- 
wealth of Kentucky. ITiat Kentucky will not sever her con- 
nection with tlie national Governmeirt, nor will she take 
up arms for either of the belligerent parties, but will arm 
herself for the one purpose of preserving tranquillity and 
peace within her own borders. 

"2. Resolved, That Kentucky now tenders, and to the 
end of the war, all the lime, will tender herself as media- 
tor, and that she will constantly be ready to do all in her 
power to bring about a just and honorable peace. 

" 3. Resolved, That the Governor be directed to transmit 
a copy of the foregoins preamble and resolutions to the Pres- 
idents of the United States and of the seceded States, and 
to the Governors of each of the thirty-four States." 

Mr. President, at the extra session of Cono;ress, 
when I gave the votes and made the speeches of 
which my colleague and the Kentucky Legisla- 
ture complain, I stood hero upon the platform of 
Kentucky, as announced by her Union men in 
convention, by speeches, by addresses, and by 
legislative res(>lves. I stood here to advocate and 
did advocate the very doctrine that she said in the 
most solemn and formal manner should be advo- 
cated; and for that I am to be driven from the Sen- 
ate by my colleague. Was there ever in the his- 
tory of a public man such an unjustifiable assault 
upon him for doing that which the very party 
making the assault said should have been done.' 
The Legislature ask me to resign for acting in 
obedience to their expressed will ; and my colleague 
appears here and assumes the character of prose- 
cutor in their behalf. I do not believe that the 
representatives of Kentucky ever desired or del- 
egated to him the power to appear here as my 
prosecutor — he of his own volition assumes the 
task. 

I hold in my hand the address of the delegates 
of the border State convention to the people of 
the United Slates. I wish to make this record 
complete, for I want to make but one vindication 
to the people of Kentucky. I know that when 



the whole tacts are known, the honist, the brave, 
the true-hearted, noble men of Kentucky will sus- 
tain my action. Th<y will say that I did riy;ht, 
that 1 acted in obedience to liie [Uiblic will of 
Kentucky, and that I did not misrepresent them. 
The border Stale convention published two ad- 
dresses; one of them to the people of the United 
States, signed by J. J. Crittenden, James Guih- 
rie, H. R.' Gamble, W. A. Hall, J. B. Henderson, 
William G. Pomeroy — tlie last four are from Mis- 
souri— R. K. Williams, Archibald Dixon, F. M. 
Bristow, Joshua F. Bell, C. A. Wickliffe,G. W. 
Dunlap, J. F. Robinson, John B. Huston, Robert 
Richardson, and John Caldwell of Tennessee. 
I will read an exti-act from that address to the 
people of the United States: 

" Our Stales desire and have indicated a purpose to take 
no part in this war, and we believe that in this course we 
will ultimately bestserve the interests of ourcommon coun- 
try. It is impossible that we should be indilferenl specta- 
tors; we consider that our intcre-ts would be irretr'avably 
ruined by taking part in the conflict on the. side where the 
strongest .sympathies of our people are, and that our sense 
of honor ai'id of duty requires that we should not allow our- 
selves to bo drawn or driven into a war in which other 
Slates, without consulting us, have deliberately chosen to 
involve themselves. Our safety and our dignity, as among 
the most powerful of the slave States, demand of us that 
we take this position. 

" If the time shall come when our friendly mediation 
may arrest the further progress of the strife, our most earn- 
est and strenuous efforts shall not be wanting to bring about 
peace, and it is by such efforts that we hope to serve the 
interests of our country." 

I shall now read a few extracts from the address 
of that border State convention to the people of 
Kentucky. This address is signed by John J. 
Crittenden, James Guthrie, R. K. Williams, 
Archibald Dixon, F. M. Bristow, Joshua F. Bell, 
C. A. Wickliffe, G. W. Dunlap, C. S. Morehead, 
J. F. Robinson, John B. Huston, and Robert 
Richardson — all distinguished names among Ken- 
tucky politicians. Mr. Bristow and Mr. Bell are 
ex-members of Congress; and Crittenden, Dun- 
lap, and Wickliffe are now my honored colleagues 
in the other House; J. F. Robinson and John B. 
Huston are now distinguished members of the 
Legislature; and Robert Richardson is at present 
superintendent of public instruction in the State. 
What do they say on this question of neutrality, 
for which my colleague invokes my expulsion 
from the Senate.' 

i "Your State, on a deliberate consideration of her re- 
ji sponsibilities, moral, political, and social, has determined 

I that the proper course for her to pursue is to take no part in 
i the controversy between the Government and the seceded 

States but that of mediator and intercessor. She is un will- 
M ing to take up anus against her brethren residing either 
i North or South of the geographical line by which they are 
' 1 unhappily divided into warring sectimis. This eourse was 
{ commended to her by every consideration of patriotism, and 

I I by a proper regard lor her'own security. It does not result 
1 from tiiniditv; on the contrary, it could only have been 
!i adopted by a' brave people— so brave that the least imputa- 
tion on their courage would be branded as false by their 
written and traditional history." 

Further on, they say: 

" In declining lo respond to a call made by the present 
Administration of the Government, and one that we have 
reason to believe would not have been made if the .Admin- 
istration had been fully advised of the circum-tances by 
which we were surrounded, Kentucky did not put herself 
in factious oppssition to her legitimate obligations ; she did 
not choose «<> tlirow herself in hostile collisioa with the 



10 



slave States of Missouri, Maryland, and Di;Iawaro, wliich 
liave not seceded on tlie one hand, nor the shive States 
which liave and are in process of secession on the other, 
and shed the hlood of bretlnen and I^iiidred at tlie very mo- 
ment wlien slie was striving to be an aposth; of peaca. Na- 
ture lierself revolted at the thought, and her conduct in tills 
matter had so much of love to God and love to man in it, 
that it will meet the sanction of an approving world. So 
far from being denounced for this action, it is everywhere 
looked upon as an act of purest patriotism, resultina; from 
imperious necessity and the highest instincts of selt-pres- 
ervation — respected by the very Administration that alone 
couhl have complained of it, and will, we d(mbt not, be rat- 
ified by it, if not in terms, at least by its future action. That 
fact did not take her out of the Union. 

" Kentucky, in so grave a matter as this, passes by mere 
legal technicalities, and a discussion of theoretical difficul- 
ties of government, poises herself upon her right to do what 
the necessities of her condition imperatively demanded of 
lier, and relies upon the good sense and magnanimity of 
her sister States, seeing that there is no parallel in her con- 
dition and theirs, to do her justice. 

"In all things she is as loyal as ever to the constitutional 
administration of the Government. She will follow the 
stars and stripes to the utmost regions of the earth, and de- 
fend it from foreign insult. She refuses alliance with any 
who would destroy the Union. All she asks is permission 
to keep out of this unnatural strife. When called to take 
part in it, she believes that there is more honor in the breach 
than in the observance of any supposed duty to perform it. 

" Feeling that she is clearly right in this, and has an- 
nounced her intention to refrain from aggression upon oth- 
ers, slie must protest against her soil being mad(Uhe theater 
of military operations by any belligerent. The war must 
not be transferred by the warring sections from their own 
to her borders. Such unfriendly action cannot be viewed 
with indifference by Kentucky." 

Why, sir, that is the doctrine that I have an- 
nounced, and for wliich I am so harshly and bit- 
terly censured by my colleague. I have read lite 
distinguished names signed to this address; and 
right here allovir me to defend one of those gentle- 
men from what, 1 have no doubt, was an uninten- 
tional assault by my colleague. I allude to Mr. 
Joshua F. Bell. My colleague, with stentorian 
voice and lusty lungs, announced that if Joshua 
F. Bell had been elected Governor instead of Ma- 
goffin, he would have furnished troops at the call 
of the President; that they were not fttrnished in 
consequence of the treason of the Governor. Why, 
sir, in this address, signed by liim, Joshua F. Bell 
says the Governor did right; that Kentucky's 
position was right. I have known Mr. Bell for 
many years. In early life I was his school-mate 
in the university. I sat on the same benches with 
him. I have known him since. He is a talented, 
high-toned, and honorable gentleman. In my judg- 
ment, Joshua F. Bell would scorn to approve in 
another what he would not do himself. The fair 
inference is, that Mr. Bell, if he is an honorable 
gentleman, and I knowhim to be such, would have 
acted just as Magoffin acted; for he approved of 
Magoffin's action. I know my colleague did not 
intend to make any assault upon Mr. Bell, for I 
understand there are the most friendly relations 
between them. 

I have now read to Senators the proceedings of 
the Legislature. I have still another action of 
theirs that I desire to present. The Kentucky 
Legislature in May last, in obedience to the re- 
solves of these Union meetings — for they called 
upon them to do it — passed a law to organize her 
military. That law, as you will see, reiterates the 
very same idea on the subject of neutrality that 
is contained in the resolutions that I have read. I 



will read you the tenth section of that military 
law wliich was passed in May, 1861: 

" Nothing contained in this act shall be so construed as 
to authorize said board, or any of the military organizations 
Treated by the militia law pf this State, to use in any wise 
the arms and munitionsof war herein authorized to be pur- 
eliased, or those already belonging to the State, against the 
Government of the United States, nor against the confed- 
erate Slates, unless in protecting our soil from unlawful in- 
vasion, it being the intention alone that said arms and mu- 
nitions of war are to be used for the solo defense of the State 
of Kentucky." 

The law declared that the arms and munitions 
of war were not to be used against the confeder- 
ate States, nor against the Federal Government, 
but in defense of Kentucky. That law was passed 
in obedience to the resolves of the Legislature of 
Kentucky, and particularly in accordance with 
the resolutions of my colleague's party in the State. 
Allow me to read another extract on this subject 
of neutrality. I have shown you, from their res- 
olutions and addresses, that they meant just what 
I did by neutrality. Judge Underwood — well 
known to this Senate — wrote a letter on this sub- 
ject of neutrality, dated Glasgow, June G, 1861. I 
will read one short extract from that letter. Judge 
Underwood believed in the right to coerce a State, 
but in speaking of neutrality he said: 

" Now, although my opinion as to the right of coercion 
remains unchanged, I have, from many considerations, too 
numerous to be liere mentioned, come to the conclusion 
that Kentucky may properly refuse to participate in the 
war in progress. Hence I proposed tliatshe should occupy 
the position of neutrality, believing she could thereby be 
more efiicient in putting an end to the war, and restoring 
the Government to its legitimate action, than in any other 
way. Having taken that position, I think we are bound 
in honor to maintain it ; after assuming to be neutral, if we 
join our forces with those of tlie national Government and 
aid in coercing the seceded States, we shall present our- 
selves before the world as an oscillating, undecisive, unre- 
liable, and timid people; meriting ridicule and contempt, 
instead of respect and confidence. We can attract the ad- 
miration of mankind by taking a firm, Immovable, and yet 
conciliatory stand." 

That was the opinion of Hon. Joseph R. Un- 
derwood, once an eminentand distinguished mem- 
ber of this body, a gentleman eininent for ability, 
integrity, and worth, now a distinguished Union 
member of the Kentucky Legislature, on the sub- 
ject of neutrality. My colleague must see then 
that all the Kentucky Union men were not like 
himself, that some of them were in earnest on 
this subject of neutrality, and meant what they 
said. I will read extracts from a speech of Hon. 
Archibald Dixon, delivered at Paducah, Ken- 
tucky, on the 9th of March, 1861. Mr. Dixon 
is a distinguished member of the Union party, a 
gentleman of talent and high position, having filled 
many offices of honor and trust in Kentucky; he 
was once a member of this body. He said: 

''That the distracted condition of the country was not 
without cause. 1'here was a cause, and that cause must 
be removed, or peace between the sections could never be 
restored. 

" The people of the slave States had been wronged, griev- 
ously wronged by some of their brethren of the free States, 
but not by the Federal Government." * * * * 
"The Black Republican party, led on by Lincoln, their 
President, Seward, and others, are enemies of the people 
of the South, and of their institutions ; they alone are re- 
sponsible for all the injuries of which the people of the 
southern States have just cause of complaint. 

" It was this party that resisted the execution of the fugi- 
tive slave law ; that organized and protected underground 



11 



railroads ; tliat encouraged and aided its followers in steal- 
ing tlio negroes of the soutliern slavcliolders ; that i,'ave 
countenance and support to sucli incendiaries and ninrdor- 
crs as Helper and John Brown; that stirred up strife be- 
tween master and slave." ***** 

" But we are told that the Black Kepiiblican party has 
succeeded in electing a President and Viei- I'n-sident upon 
a principle purely sectional and hostile tt)the institutions of 
the slave States. This is true; and such a triumph, of such 
a party on sucli a principle, was and is an insul:, not only 
to the people of the southern States, but to the conserva- 
tive men of the whole nation. 

" And if such a party after all that has occurred, is to be 
continued in power by the deliberate judgment and suf- 
frages of the people of the free States. I Ihiniv the sooner a 
separation upon just and amicable principles takes place 
between the sections the better for all parties. But before 
this takes place, I am for appealing directly to the people 
of the free States to turn this faction out of power and amend 
the Federal Constitution in such a way as to prevent a re- 
currence of similar difficulties, and afford to the people of 
the slave States such guarantees for the safety of their slave 
property, both in the States and Territories, as the neces- 
sities of the case may rc(|uire. 

" This, in my judgment, would be infinitely better for all 
parties than hastily and rashly to break up and destroy a 
Government, that if properly administered and properly ap- 
preciated by the American people, would be productive of 
more real and substantial blessings to those who live under 
it than any that ever existed or perhaps that ever will ';xist. " 

* * * * " Are these States that have separated 
themselves from the Federal Union, because of wrongs and 
injuries done their citizens by the Black Republican party, 
to be forced and driven back into the confederacy by that 
party.' And are the people of Kentucky to be compelled to 
enlist under the Black liepublicaii banner and aid them in 
dishonoring and degrading those who have common sym- 
pathies and a common interest with them ' 

"I do not know that Mr. Lincoln means to attempt thiS. In 
his inaugural he says that the laws must be enforced in every 
State ill the Union; but he could not have said less than 
this, as he is sworn to support the Constitution ot the Uni- 
ted States and to see that the laws are faithfully executed. 

" This means, of course, that the revenue laws now exist- 
ing in all the States shall be enforced ; and it may be that 
not only existing, but all laws which a Black Republican 
Congress may pass, shall be ; and it may be, in his judgment, 
his sworn duty to see that they are enforced. 

"A Black Republican Congress passes a law to collectil 
direct tax. not only of the people of Kentucky, but of every 
other slave State, to raise money to support armies and na- 
vies to whip a seceding State back into the Union. Will 
Kentucky submit to such a tax .' A Black Republican Con- 
gress passes a law to raise troops in Kentucky to compiil 
Kentuckians to submit to Black Republican rule, or to aid 
the usurping Administration to whip sister slave States into 
subjection, or back into the Confederacy. Will Kentucky, 
with the lash of unprincipled faction suspended over her 
back, submit to such outrages, such wrong, such indignity .' 
Will she suffer the foot of a Black Republican invader to 
desecrate her soil, whether the object of such invasion be 
the subjugation of her own brave and noble sons or of her 
brethren in lier sister slave States.' Neocr, never." * 

* * * " Shall Kentucky, then, resist him if heat- 
tempts to compel her to aid him in coercing her sister slave 
States back into the Union .'' Of course she will. She con- 
siders him and his party enemies to the whole country; as 
disorganizers, usurpers, and destroyers of the liberty and 
peace of the nation. Jfoiw will she resist him .' By seced- 
ing from the Union, and surrendering all into his hands .' 
In my judgment, this would be unworthy of the high char- 
acter which Kentucky has always sustained for courage 
and chivalry. It she does not secede, what other course 
will she adopt to maintain her honor and protect her rights 
under the Constitution.' I say, throw herself upon the res- 
olutions of 1798, and. in her sovereign character, declare 
every law of Congress (lasscd by the Republican party to 
coerce in any way seceding States unconstitutional and 
void. And \( the President attempts to enforce any such 
laws after they have been declared by Kentucky unconsti- 
tutional and void, by raising money, by direct taxation of 
the people of Kentucky, or by compelling them to enlist 
under liis banner, or marching his troops tlirough her ter- 
ritories, let her meet him sword in hand, and appeal to the 
God of battles to determine the right between them. 

" In this tight she will have as allies all the people of the 



slave States, and half or more of the people of the free 
Stat(!s; for those opposed to Black Republicanism in the 
free States, hate it with a more undying hatred than even 
the people of the slav(! States. 

"'I'heyhuve been faithful to us through all our conflicts , 
and are ready in a just cause to stand by us to the last ex- 
tremity; and we ought not to desert them because tempo- 
rarily borne down by the Republican faction, their enemies 
and ours. Let then the fight be, as it should be, with the 
Black Republican party, and not with the Government. It 
will be time enough to wage war against the Government, 
and separate ourselves from it, when the people of the free 
States, after having had a fair opportunity of voting on the 
great question of right, decide such question against us, and 
refuse us such guarantees as flre have a right to demand of 
them. But this, in my opinion, they will never do, I have 
not always been an advocate of the principles contained in 
the resolutions of 1798; but the perils by which our State 
is now surrounded, and the necessity she may be under in 
a short time to clioose between secession and nullification, 
have satisfied me that they are her last hope; and to save 
the State government from destruction, and the people from 
anarchy, and it may be from civil war, she must plant her- 
self firmly upon them. If she does this, she will not be 
forced against her will into a conflict with either the North 
or South, but will have it in her power to act as mediator 
between them. She will not have to bear her portion of 
the tax on her property imposed by the southern confed- 
eracy, and which she would be compelled to do if she se- 
ceded from the Union and became a member of it, and 
which she would willingly do if she thought secession right 
or there was just cause for it. Nor would she be compelled 
to furnish men or money or arms against her own stern 
judgment of right to coerce such confederacy." 

I have shown you, Senators, what was the ac- 
tion of pulilic meetings and the Legislature of Ken- 
tucky on tills subject. 1 sliall now read one or 
two extracts from the leading political journals of 
Kentucky, to show that they took tiie same po- 
sition. I will first read an extract from the Louis- 
ville Journal. It is but just to the editors of the 
Journal and the Louisville Democrat, extracts 
tVom which pa|iers I propose to read, that I should 
state that I find these extracts taken from those 
journals in other papers. I tried to obtain a copy 
of their files, to see if they were correctly quoted, 
but was unable to find them. I believe they were 
properly and coi'rectly extracted. The Louisville 
Journal, speaking of the Presdent's proclamation 
calling for seventy-five thousand men, says: 

" The policy announced in the proclamation deserves the 
unqualified condemnation of every American citizen. It is 
unworthy not merely of a statesman but of a man. It is a 
policy utterly hairbrained and ruinous. If iVIr. Lincoln con- 
templated this policy in the inaugural address, he isaguilly 
disseinhler; if he has conceived it under the excitement 
raised by the seizure of Fort Sumter, he is a guilty Hotspur, 
In either case, he is miserably unfit for the exalted position 
in which the enemies of the country have placed him." 

Again, the Journal says — this was written, I 
suppose, in May last: 

" In our judgment, the people of Kentucky have answered 
this question in advance; and the answer, expressed in 
every conc(!ivable form of popular expression, and finally, 
clinched by the glorious vote of Saturday, is : arm Ken- 
tucky, efiiciently but rightfully and fairly, with the clear 
declaration that'tlie arming is not for oflense against either 
the Government or the seceding States, but [lurely for de- 
fense against whatever power sets hostile foot upon the 
actual soil of the Commonwealth. In other words, the Le- 
gislature, according to the manifest will of the people, should 
declare the neutrality of Kentucky in this unnatural and 
accursed war of brothers, and equip the State for the suc- 
cessful maintenance of her position at all hazards. And 
when the Legislature shall have done this, it may, in our 
opinion, wisely .idjourn, leaving the cause of peace and ol 
constitutional Government, so far as Kentucky is con- 
cerned, in the hands of the twelve mediators whom the peo- 
ple of the Commonwealth have just chosen expressly for 



12 



tliat liisli ou'itofiinnshii). This, it sePins to us, as it plainly 
sctniis to the people at larjje, is what the Legislature sliould 
now do." 

That was soon after tlip election of delegates to 
the border St;)te convention. I will now read 
some extracts from the Loui.sville Democrat: 

" Let Kentucky preserve her neutrality, and slieatonce 
becomes tlie rallying point for patriots I'roni all portions of 
the land WtsterH Virginia, southern Ohio, southern In- 
diana, and southern Illinois will stand hy her toa man, and 
we are very mucli mistaken if Tennessee will not heartily 
coiiperate. 

'• <'onservative men from all parts, both North and South, 
will join her standard to stay the fratricidal hand which is 
now being raised in anger and furv."'^ioia"sri//e Demo- 
crat, .flpril 19, 1861. 

" Oiie other feature of these speeches of Air. Lincoln and 
we shall, for the present, have done with him. At Indian 
opolis he, by the most direct indirection, threatened the 
southern Slates with practical coercion, and the country 
vvitli speedy civil war. At I'itlshurg he distinctly stated 
that the Chicago platform, as regarded the tariff and sla- 
very, would be sacretl law to his administration, and at no 
other point has he retracted or essentially modified these 
positions or assertions. 'J'lie country may, hereafter, re- 
gard coercion and no more slave territory as the settled 
policy of his administration. If it comes to that, and the 
is^ue is simply submission to that policy or disunion and 
war, Kentucky will accept the issue. And Mr. Lincoln 
might as well know, once for all, that Kentucky takes war 
with all its fearful consequences. And when war comes, 
no intelligent son of the Commonwealth can for a moment 
doubt in which direction the hostile batteries of Kentucky 
will be pointi'd, upon what soil the steady tramp of her in- 
vading battalions will be heard, or in whose bosoms the 
keen blades of her coiu]uering swords will he flashed. Let 
Mr. Lincoln and his abolition myrmidons, who so valiantly 
press him on to ' no compromise' and war, consider well 
these things, and beware in time, while yet the dangers 
they suggest are not at their own doors." — Louis Mle Dem- 
ocrat, Fehruary 24, 1861. 

"There are some principles born with the people of this 
country, or inculcated I'rom the cradle, and one is, that all 
Governments derive their just powers from the consent of 
the governed. When whole communities will not consent, 
what is to be done .' Shall they be forced .' We shall not 
discuss the right of secession. It does not come into the 
case. Deny it, and the difficulty remains. If whole com- 
munities are forced to submit, how shall it be said that the 
powers of the Government over them is derived from the 
consent of the governed .' Besides, when war begins, where 
will it end .' VVill it not defeat forever the object, the res- 
toration of this Union. We are satisfied it will. Timeand 
the policy of conciliation will restore all that is lost. Force 
will destroy all hope of such a result. 

" (t is too late to talk of coercion in any shape ; it is com- 
promise or war if coercion is attempted. Lincoln must see 
this; and if he does not, his advisers, some of them, cannot 
fail to see it. We are told of the threats of those seceding 
States; but they threaten because they apprehend coer- 
cion." — Louisville Democrat, February 23, 186L 

Mr. Prentice and Mr. Harney, the editors of 
the Journal and Democrat, are both gentlemen of 
eminent ability, and iiavegretU influence in form- 
ing public opinion in Kentucky. Both of these 
journals at one time o|)|)osed coercion, and ap- 
proved the action of the Governor in refusing to 
obey the call of tiie President for troops in April 
last. 

I could give you several other extracts from the 
same papers, but 1 shall not take up the time of 
the Senate by doing so. 

I have now shown you, Senators, distinctly the 
record of the Union party in Kentucky on thi.s 
subject. I have shown it by their meetings, by 
their legislative resolves, by their addresses, and 
by their political journals. I have shown it to be 
precisely in accordance with the votes that I gave 
here at the cailvd SeS§iot; of Congress ; and y el nfiy 



colleague says that I have misrepresented the peo- 
ple of Kentucky. What evidences have you of 
it, sir.' Here were these resolves of the Legisla- 
ture unrepealed at the time I cast those votes. 
Here were those resolutions and addresses of the 
Union mass meetings unrevoked. It was in ac- 
cordance with those resolutions and with the 
express will of Kentucky, as declared by resolu- 
tions unrepealed on the statute-book, that 1 cast 
those votes in July last. I do not believe that the 
honest, bold, chivalrous people of Kentucky, 
when they see the whole facts, will be willing to 
censure me fordoing what I had reason to believe 
was the will of the people of my State, expressed 
in every form in which the public will could be 
conveyed to a public servant. 

The Senate will bear in mind thefiict that it was 
not until after the lOih day of September last that 
the Legislature of Kentuckyabaitdoned neutrality. 

I regret very mucli while on this subject of neu- 
trality that I have not a letter written by my col- 
league after he made a visit some time in April or 
May last to Mr. Lincoln. Mr, Warner L. Under- 
wood, who visited the President about the same 
time, wrote a letter also. 1 have an extract here 
from Mr, Underwood's letter which I will read, 
and if my recollection is right, it is about the same 
in substance with the letter of my colleague, I 
must say, however, that my recollection of my 
colleague's letter is very general and indistinct, I 
regfet I have not been able to obtain a copy of it 
Mr, Underwood says: 

" In reference to Kentucky, Mr. Lincoln told me he hoped 
Kentucky would stand by the Government in the pri'seiit 
difficulties ; but if she would not, that, let her stand still and 
take no hostile part against it, and that no hostile step should 
tread her soil. This is also true with Missouri." 

My recollection of my colleague's letter is that 
Mr. Lincoln would acquiesce in Kentucky 's neu- 
trality. I may be mistaken in that, however, as 
I have no very distinct recollection of it. I read 
it hastily when it appeared in the newspapers, I 
think some time in JVIay last. 

No w, Senators, ha vingd is [losed of the subject of 
the neutrality of Kentucky, with your permission 
1 shall address my.self briefly to the S()ecific charges 
contained in the pending resolution again.st me, 
I think my colleague himself, as one of myjudges, 
ought now to be satisfied that I have not misrep- 
resented the will of the people of Kentucky. The 
vindictive manner in which he assailed me I sup- 
pose resulted from his character as prosecutor; 
but I have a right to appeal to liis calm and dis- 
passionate reason in hiscapacity as judge to know 
if I have not shown, by the most incontrovertible 
documentary testimony, that 1 did act in accord- 
ance with the will of the people of Keritucky, as 
made known to me in every form. If he would 
divest himself of his prejudice, I might yet have 
some hope of obtaining his vote agauist this res- 
olution; but I do not think I shall; his prejudices 
are too deejily rooted to be overthrown by any 
array of facts, however convincing and irresisti- 
ble they might be to an unbiased or unprejudiced 
mind 

Let me notice for a moment the resolutions of 
the conventions that were alluded to by my col- 
league yesterday. I shall very briefly notice those 
resolutions, for I have now spoken longer than I 



intended to do. The resolutions of the meeting^ 
in the county of Henderson contained one clause, 
approving the ]iroclamation of the Governor, and 
that was criticised by niy colleague. The Gov- 
ernor of Kentucky was only faitlifully carrying 
out the neutrality of the Slate assumed by the Le- 
gislature. My colleague also read a portion of the 
proclamation of the Governor. I will read the first 
part of that proclamation to show what the Gov- 
ernor's meaning was: 

" Whereas numerous applications liavo been made lo nie 
I'roni many ^ooil citizens ot' this Uornrnonwealth, prnj-in? 
me to issue a proclamation forbidding the marcli of any 
forces of this or any other State or States over our soil to 
make an appreliended attack upon the Federal forces at 
Cairo, in Illinois, or to disturb any otherwise the peaceful 
attitude of Kentucky with reference to the deplorable war 
now waging between the United States and tin; confederatfi 
States; and whereas numerous applications from like good 
citizens of this Commonwealth have also been made to me, 
praying me to issue a proclamation forbidding the occupa- 
tion of any post or place or the march over our sacred soil 
by any force of the United States for any purpose; and 
whereas it is made fully evident, by every indication of 
public sentiment, that it is the determined purpose of the 
good people of Kentucky to maintain, with courageous firm- 
ness, the fixed position of sell-defense, proposing or intend- 
ing no invasion or aggression towards any other State or 
States, forbidding the qnartering of troops upon her soil by 
either of the hostile sections, but simply standing aloof from 
an unnatural, horrid, and lamentable strife, for the exist- 
ence of which Kentucky, neither by thought, word, nor act, 
is in any wise responsible; and whereas the policy thus 
recomniejided by so many of my fellow-citizens of all po- 
litical leanings is, in my judument, wise, peaceful, safe, and 
honorable, and the most likely to preserve peace and amity 
between the neigtiboring bordering States on both shores of 
tlie Ohio river, and protect Kentucky generally from the rav- 
ages of a deplorable war; and whereas the arms distributed 
to the ' State guard,' composed as it is of gentlemen equally 
conscientious and honest, who entertain the opinions of 
both parlies, are not to be used against the Federal Govern- 
ment nor the confederate States, but to resist and prevent 
encroachments upon her soil, her rights, her honor, and her 
sovereignty, by either of the belligerent parties, and to pre- 
serve the peace, safety, prosperity, and happiness and strict 
neutrality of her people, in the hope she may soon have an 
opportunity to become a successful mediator between them, 
and in order to rennive the unfounded distrust and suspi- 
cions of purposes to force Kentucky out of the Union, at the 
point of the bayonet, which may have been strongly and 
wickedly engendered in the public mind in regard to my 
own position and that of the ' State guard.' " 

That shows that the Governor had but one pur- 
pose in issuing the proclamation — that was to pre- 
serve the neutrality of the State. One reason that 
caused him to issue it was to prevent the march- 
ing of troops across Kentucky to attack the Fed- 
eral troops in Cairo, Illinois. The Governor slates 
that in the proclamation. He speaks particularly 
of that. Then he forbids troops being marched 
through Kentucky by either contending party, 
and asserts the neutrality of the State — a doctrine 
that had been proclaimed by the Legislature and 
by all the mass meetings of the Union men, as 
well as southern rights men, throughout the Com- 
monwealth. The Governor's proclamation is 
dated May 20, 1861. 

My colleague states that one of the objects of 
the convention at Frankfort, on the lOtli of Sep- 
tember, was to intimidate the Legislature. Allow 
me to say to my colleague that tht; Legislature 
was composed of many gentlemen of eminent 
ability — men who could not be intimidated — and 
I will venture the assertion that not a delegate to 
that convention ever thought so poorly of the 



Legislatttrc as to believe they could be intiini- 
dated. The members of the convention had loo 
much respect for the intelligence and manhood of 
the Legislature to harbor such a thought for a 
moment. I regard the charge of intimidation as 
unjust, both to the convention and to the Legisla- 
ture. 

My colleague staled yesterday to the Senate 
that eight or nine months ago a majority of the 
people of Kentuclcy , if the question had been sub- 
mitted to them, would have gone South. How 
does he reconcile that statement with the asser- 
tion that I misrepresented the people by entertain- 
ing sentiments that were loo strongly southern, 
in the session of Congress that commenced on the 
4ih of July last — more than eight months since.' 
The larger number — nearly all — of the votes given 
and speeches made about which he complains, 
were made before the 20th of July last, the date 
of the battle of Bull Run. 

There was one resolution passed in the Hen- 
derson ineeting that my colleague did not put in 
his indictment, for he carefully culled them. He 
only used those that he thought would induce the 
Senate to vote with him. That resolution is this: 

"That all honorable etforts for the conciliation of tb'^ 
belligerent sections and the reconstruction of the Union 
are desirable, and we will heartily second and further sucli 
elforts." 

There we distinctly declared that we would do 
everything we could to reconstruct the Union. 
We thought it could best be done by peace, and 
hence we declared it. We were opposed lo co- 
ercion, and we so distinctly slated. I will say 
here in relation to that meeting that I was merely 
called to preside over it. It was called to nom- 
inate a candidate for the Legislature. Resolutions 
were jiassed with very great rapidity, and without 
inuch notice from me. I have always been for 
the reconstruction of the Union and for peace, and 
opposed to coercion. 

Then there was another resolution which rny 
colleague cited, and which I will now read: 

"That the recall of the invading armies and the recog- 
nition of the confederate States is the true policy to restore 
peace and preserve the relationsof fraternal love and amity 
between the States." 

That resolution does not contemplate a perma- 
nent dissolution of the Union, as its very terms 
show. It says, " in order to restore peace and 
preserve the relations of fraternal love and amity 
between the States," they advocate the withdraw- 
ing of the troo)is. Then llnre was another reso- 
lution, which I read a moment since, declaring 
that we would do everything we could to recon- 
struct the Union; that we would use every effort 
for that purpose. But the whole intent and mean- 
ing of that resolution was, that rather than attempt 
to reconstruct by coercion, which was thonglit 
could not be done, but if persisted in, would result 
in disunion and eternal severance of the Stales of 
the Union, it would be better to withdraw the 
troops; in other words, that you should make 
every honorable effort to reconstruct the Union by 
peaceable adjustment and compromise; and if you 
failed, then, rather than have a long, exhausting 
civil war, acknowledge the independence of the 
confederate States, and make as close a treaty of 
amity and commerce as possible with them, and 



14 



perhaps in a short time both sections would find 
by experience tiiey could live more prosperously 
united, and the Union would again be recon- 
structed with such constitutional guarantees as 
would satisfy both the North and the South. Tlial 
is an idea I have heard advanced by many men 
of ability and ox|ierience; that was the whole idea 
of that resokuion. The resolution speaks of re- 
storing the relations of fraternal lovo. What 
fraternal love could there be, if we were parted 
eternally in separate and independent States? The 
resolution manifestly contemplated a reconstruc- 
tion of the Union; the terms of the resolution 
clearly indicate that. My colleague, however, 
when he offered his resolution on tlie 8th of Jan- 
uary , to establish a union of sucli States as would 
adopt the Crittenden compromise, never talked 
about reconstruction, and he certainly ought not 
to object to this resolution. I have given you my 
interpretation of that resolution. 1 must confess 
I thought but little about it at the time; but the 
whole idea and intention of it was peace and a 
reconstruction of the Union. 

One word, sir, as to the resolutions adopted at 
the meeting at Frankfort. I have shown that in 
the meeting at Henderson we declared our pur- 
pose to use every effort for the reconstruction of 
the Union, and declared for neutrality in just such 
terms as all parties in Kentucky declared for it. 
Among the Frankfort resolutions I find the fol- 
lowing: 

" Resolved, That every material interest of Kentucky, as 
well as tlie liigliest dictates of patriotism, demand that peace 
sliould be maintained within her borders, and this conven- 
tion solemnly pledges the honor of its meinl)ersto do all in 
their power to promote this end." 

The object of that convention, as expressly de- 
clared in their resolutions, was to maintain peace 
within the borders of the State. Tlien they go on' 
in the next resolution and declare that they believe 
a large majority of the people of Kentucky are in 
favor of the neutrality of Kentucky. Then follows 
a resolution, upon which I shall comment briefly, 
as it seems to be offensive to some persons: 

"That the organization and presence npon the territory 
of Kentucky of a military force of either of the belligerents 
is a violation of the netitraiity indorsed by the people, and 
we believe can be attended with none otiier than the most 
fatal and disastrous results; and in that belief we earnestly 
advise the removal, by the proper authorities, of all such 
force from the limits of the State." 

Now, what is that.' The resolution but declares 
that the neutrality of Kentucky should be enforced 
by the proper authorities. Who are the proper 
autliorities.' The Legislature and the Governor 
of the State. It never was intended to mean any- 
thing else but that. 

But my colleague takes exception to a resolu- 
tion that was offered by me appointing certain gen- 
tlemen a central committee. That resolution was 
in these words: 

" ResoU'cd, That Colonel William Preston, George \V. 
Johnson, Esq., General Lucius Deshca, Captain Richard 
Ilawes, and Thomas P. Porter, Esq., be, and they are 
hereby, appointed a committee of organization, in order to 
carry out the purposes of this convention ; and full powers 
are conferred upon them for that object." 

My colleague tries to construe that into a mili- 
tary organization. Why, sir, I never dreamed of 
a military organization when I introduced that 



resolution. That convention was organized for 
the purpose of keeping the peace; it was a polit- 
ical organization; and that resolution was designed 
merely to organize the ordinary cential committee 
to call meetings, »&:c. The object of the meeting 
was to preserve the peace, and the resolution ex- 
pressly declared that if the State should be invaded 
and it should be necessary to drive out tiie invad- 
ers, it should be done by the legal authorities, that 
is, by the State authorities in obedience to the act 
of the Legislatui'e. I venture to say that there 
never was a mass political meeting, the object of 
which was the organization of a political party, 
but adopted some such resolution forming a cen- 
tral committee for the purpose of general organi- 
zation; and yet nay colleague is trying to torture 
that resolution into a design to create a military 
organization. There never was any such inten- 
tion. Whatever any one of the members of that 
commit tee may have done individually after wards, 
certainly it was never contemplated by me that 
they should exercise any power under that reso- 
lution other than that usually exercised by com- 
mittees of political parties in the various States. 

When was the neutrality of Kentucky annulled 
by the State .' On the lOih of September last that 
convention was in session. After that time the 
Kentucky Legislature invited in troops. They 
invited General Anderson, and they overthrew 
their neutrality; but up to the lOtli of September, 
and for several days afterwards, the doctrine of 
neutrality stood unrepealed on the statute-books 
in the resolves of the Kentucky Legislature. I 
stood fairly on them up to that time. A few days 
after that meeting, the Legislature of Kentucky 
got off neutrality. What did I do.' Did I ever 
advocate it afterwards? No, sir. I stood where 
the State stood, and when the Legislature went 
against it I acquiesced. 

But my colleague says many of those men who 
were with me in that convention have gone South. 
That is true; and one of those who were v/itli him 
on the committee on resolutions at Louisville has 
gone South, and is a member of the confederate 
congress. I know that many of those gentlemen 
have gone South; but I am not responsible for 
that. After the Legislature got off its neutrality, 
there was organized in Kentucky a provisional 
government at Russelville. I had nothing to do 
with that government. I never acknowledged it. 
I adhered to the old State oi-ganization, and am 
here to represent it. Those who did not adhere 
to the old organization followed that provisional 
government and acknowledged it. I did not. iVIy 
colleague twits me with Breckinridge and other 
of my friends having gone South. They went 
South, and they acknowledged the provisional 
government. 1 did not. I remained here true to 
the Constitution, and loyal to what 1 conceived to 
be the proper legitimate government of Kentucky; 
and I intend to remain loyal to it, notwithstanding 
the assaults of my colleague. I inteiul to abide 
the action of the majority of the people of Ken- 
tucky properly and legitimately expressed. 

But my colleague wishes to oust me from the 
Senate because 1 was opposed to coercion, and he 
quotes a speech that I made on the 2d of March, 
186h That is no new doctrine with me. It is 



15 



possible that I may have erred in it; Ijut if I did, 
I lioneslly erred. I liope the Senate will pardon 
me for beini!; so tedious, for this is a matter of 
deep moment to me, although it may be of little 
interest to others. I hold in my hand a speech 
that I made in the Senate on the 22d of January, 
18G1, and I will read presently some portions of 
it to the Senate. That speech was made on the 
Crittenden compromise; and in it I expressed as 
strongly as I could my attachment to the consti- 
tutional Union. I had no stronger language in 
which to express my attachment to it. 1 did the 
same thing in the speech I made when I intro- 
duced the resolution to raise a committee of thir- 
teen. I defy my colleague, or my most inveterate 
enemy, to find in any speech of mine any sentence 
in which I ever uttered a sentiment of disloyalty 
to the constitutional Union of our fathers. I have 
every desire that this constitutional Union shall 
be maintained, and I have said it on all occasions. 
I now desire it to be reconstructed. I have de- 
clared it in every speech that I ever made on the 
subject in the Senate or elsewhere. I may have 
been wrong in the means that I resorted to to save 
it. I differed and now dift'er with Senators as to the 
best means by which it should be saved. They 
may have been right, and I wrong; but I was hon- 
est in those opinions. I desired the constitutional 
Union to be saved as a whole; and I would be will- 
ing to yield my life to-day if I could preserve the 
constitutional Union of our fathers, and transmit 
it unimpaired to those who are to come after us. 

In my speech in support of the proposition to 
raise a committee of thirteen, after speaking of 
the proposed amendments to the Constitution, I 
said: 

"Let lis follow the wortliy example of the noble patriots 
who have gone before us. When the country was imper- 
iled and surrounded by dangers that threatened its ruin 
they never thougiit of a disruption of tlie Government as a 
remedy. They went to work like sensible and i)atriotic 
men to remedy the evils by providing additional securities 
— by perfecting the Government; first, by the Articles of 
Confederation ; then by the adoption of the present Consti- 
tution ; and at three dift'erent times amending it in such 
manner as to meet the e.Yigencies of the times, and give 
more ample security to the people in their persons, prop- 
erty, and religion, and curing such defects as experience 
had pointed out. That is our duty to-day. Let us never 
despair of the Republic ; but go to work promptly, and so 
amend the Constitution as to give prompt, certain, and full 
guarantees to the rights of every citizen in every State and 
Territory of the Union. Unless we proceed to tliis work 
without delay, and exhaust every effort to accomplish it, 
we will not have discharged the duty we owe to ourselves, 
our country, and those win) are to come after us. Let us 
employ constitutional remedies for the correction of the 
evils by which we are environed, and to avert tlie dangers 
that threaten to ingulf us in inevitable ruin. Unless we ex- 
haust every means within our reach to preserve and protect 
tlie Constitution, and save our common country, we will 
be degenerate sons of the noblest sires the world ever saw." 

That speech 1 made on the 10th of December, 
1860. In my speech on the Crittenden compro- 
mise in January, 1861, I discussed this very doc- 
trine of coercion. I will read one or two extracts 
from it to show that that doctrine, whether right 
or wrong, is no new thing with me: 

" I do not believe that under the Constitution of the Uni- 
ted States we have any right to make war upon a State. 
We find, by reference to the proceedings of the convention 
that framed the Constitution, that it was proposed to give 
that power, and it was denied. 



" In tlie debates on the Federal Constitution, (Madison 
Papers, vol. 5, p. 139): 

'• ' Tlie last clause of the sixth resolution, " authorizing 
an exertion of the force of the whole against a deUn(iuent 
State," came next in consideration. 

"'Mr. Madison observed that the more lie reflected on 
the use of force, the more he doubted the practicability, the 
justice, and the efficacy of it, when applied to people col- 
lectively, and not individually. A union of the States con- 
taining sueli an ingredient seemed to provide for its own 
destruction. The use of force against a SRite would look 
more like a declaration of wartlian an infliction ofpunisli- 
iiient, and would probably be considered by the party at- 
tacked as a dissolution of all previous compacts by which 
it might be bound. He hoped that such a system would be 
framed as might render this resource unnecessary, and 
moved that the clause be postponed. This motion was 
agreed to, ncm. con.' 

'•' Mr. Ellsworth, upon the same subject, said : 

" ' I am for coercion by law — that coercion which acts 
only upon delinquent individuals. Tliis Constitution does 
not atteni|)t to coerce sovereign bodies — -States — in their 
political capacity. No coercion is applicable to such bodies 
Imt that of an armed force. If we should attempt to exe- 
cute the laws of the Union by sending an armed force 
against a delinquent State, it would involve the good and 
bad, the innocent and guilty, in the same calamity.' — 
EUioVs Debates, vol. i, p. 197. 

"Alexander Ilamiltcm said: 

" ' It has been observed, to coerce the State^.«, one of the 
maddest projects that was ever devised. A failure of com- 
pliance will never beconflned to a single State. Tliisbeirg 
the case, can we suppose it wise to hazard a civil war .' 
Suppose Massachusetts, or any large State, should refuse, 
and Congress should attempt to compel them, would they 
not have influence to procure assistance, especially from 
those States which are in the same situation as themselves.' 
What picture does this idea present to our view ? A com- 
plying State at war with a non-complying State ; Congress 
marching the troops of one State into the bosom of another; 
this State collecting auxiliaries, and forming, perhaps, a 
majority against its Federal head. Here is a nation at war 
with itself. Can any reasonable man be well disposed to- 
ward a government which makes war and carnage the 
only means of supporting itself — a government that can 
exist only by the sword .' Every such war must involve the 
innocent with the guilty. This single consideration should 
be sufficient to dispose every peaceable citizen against such 
a government.' — Elliot's Deviates, vol. 2, p. 233. 

" Mr. Mason, and other distinguished gentlemen in that 
convention, uttered similar views. General Jackson has 
been quoted as authority by those who advocate coercion. 
In his farewell address he said : 

"' The Constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union 
preserved, in opposition to public feeling, by the mere ex- 
ertion of the co(MCive power confided in the central Gov- 
ernment. The foundations must be laid in the affections 
of the people, in the security it gives to life, liberty, char- 
acter, and property in every quarter of the country.' 

" This Government, if preserved, must he maintained 
upon the principle clearly and distinctly (enunciated by Gen- 
eral Jackson in the clause of his farewell address which I 
have just read. It is a Union that depends upon the con- 
sent of the people governed. It can only be held together 
by a faithful observance by all the States of the require- 
ments of the Constitution, mutual interest and forbearance, 
and the ties of fraternity. 

" You speak. Senators, of executing the laws. I am as 
much in favor of executing the laws as any Senator in this 
Chamber. The laws ought to bi; honestly and faithfully 
executed. Laws can be executed against individuals, but 
not against sovereign States. How is it possible that you 
can execute the laws when you have no civil officer in the 
seceding States.' You can only constitutionally and law- 
fully apply force in aid of the civil authority. You have 
no judges, you have no marshals, you have no civil officers 
in those States. Is there a citizen of one of the seceding 
States who acknowledges the jurisdiction of the United 
States.' I doubt if there be one. 

" How, tlien, can you execute the laws there.' If you 
resort to force, without that force being called in aid of the 
civil authority, it would be war. War, of itselt', is equiva- 
lent to dissolution. Suppose twenty-eight States were to 
undertake by force to compel the five seceding States to 
remain in the Union and to acknowle<lge and submit to the 
jurisdiction of the United States, what would be the result.' 



16 



When you liad acroinplisliKd everything you could expect 
from tlie Army and Navy — bombarded and destroyed their 
cities, laid waste their fields, slaushtered their people, 
overrun and conquered them— would you, by that means, 
have preserved the Union? No; you would have placed 
it beyond the probability of reconstruction. So far from a 
constitutional Union of thirty-three free sovereign States, 
you would have twenty-eight States and five conquered 
provinces. It is madness, worse than madnesR, to think 
of preserving this Union by force. It cannot l)e done." 

I said further: 

"If you would resort to coercion and wnr, what will be 
the result.' You would have a long, e.vhausting civil war, 
and after it you would settle all your ditiicultics by nego- 
tiation. If we have to separate, in God's name let us part 
in peace. I trust, liowever, that all our riifiiculties may be 
properly and honorably adjusted, and that this Union may 
last for hundreds of years to come." 

I said '^if we have to separate, in God's name 
let us part in peace." Senators may think with 
my colleague, tiiat that is very strange language. 
Why, sir, I hold in my hand an extract from a 
letter of Hon. Edward Everett, of Boston, in 
which he used this language: 

"To expect to hold fifteen States in the Union by force 
is preposterous. The idea of a civil war, accompanied as 
it would be by servile insurrection, is too monstrous to be 
entertained for a moment. If our sister States must leave 
us, in the name of Heaven let them go in peace." — Edirard 
Everett's Letter to the Boston Courier, February 22, 1861. 

I suppose Mr. Everett will not be denounced as 
disloyal for those sentiments. Those wei'e my 
sentiments. 

Stephen A. Douglas, in a speech in the Sen- 
ate, remarked as follows upon coercion and civil 
war: 

"I do not understand how a man can claim to be a friend 
of the Union, and yet be in favor of war upon ten millions 
of people in the Union. You cannot cover it up much 
longer under the pretext of love for the Union. 

" War is disunion ; war is a final and eternal separation ; 
and the man who is for prosecuting this war, though he 
may have Union in his heart, is adisunionist." 

Joiin duincy Adams, in 1838, in speaking of 
the right of revolution, said: 

"With these qualifications we may admit the same right 
as vested in the people of every State in the Union, with 
reference to the General Government, which was exercised 
by the people of the United Colonies with reference to the 
supreme head of the British empire, of which they formed 
a part; and underthese limitations have the people of each 
State in the Union a right to secede from the confederated 
Union itself. Thus stands the right. But the indi^jsoluble 
link of union between the people of the several States of 
this confederated nation is, after all, not in the right, but in 
the heart. If the day should ever come (may Heaven avert 
it) when the affections of the people of these States shall 
be alienated from each other; when the fraternal shall give 
way to cold indifference or collision of interest, shallfester 
into hatred, the bonds of political association will not long 
hold together parties no longer attracted by the magnetism of 
conciliated interests and kindly sympathies; and far better 
will it be for the people of Ibes'e disunited States to part in 
friendship from each other than to beheld together by con- 
straint. Then will be the time for reverting to the prece- 
dents which occurred at the formation and adoption of the 
Constitution, to form again a more perfect Union by dissolv- 
ing that wiiich could no longer bind, and to leave the sepa- 
rated parts to be united by the law of political gravitation 
to the center." 

Mr. Adams states distinctly, in the extract just 
read, that it would be far better for the people of 
disunited States to part in friendship from each 
other than to be held together by coercion. 

At the close of my speech just quoted, on the 



Crittenden compromise, I stated my attitude to- 
wards Kentucky as follows: 

" I have been often asked what Kentucky will do in the 
event of a refusal on the part of llie Nortli to'yield the guar- 
antees she asks. Allow me to say that 1 am not authorized 
to speak for Kentucky. She has convened her Legislature 
in extraordinary session, to consider the condition of the 
country. In a very short time her chosen representatives 
will make known her |)osltion. I have every confidence 
that she will meet thi;-. crisis, and that she will ..ct in the 
midst of the great events by which she is surroumted, in a 
manner becoming the honor and the digTiity of a l)rave 
people, and the people of a free sovereign State, who know 
their rights, and knowing, dare maintain them. When the 
position of Kentucky shall be thus taken, when her sover- 
eign will shall be legitimately made known, whether it be 
according to my personal judument or not, I, as a true and 
loyal son, will obey her high behests." 

Kentucky did make known her will, and I, to 
the best of my jioor ability, obeyed it, as I have 
shown; and for that my colleague desires to visit 
upon me the harsli censure of expulsion. In the 
speech that I delivered here at the executive ses- 
sion I declared that I was for maintaining the con- 
stitutional Union. I have been true and loyal to 
the Constitution. I have resisted and denounced 
every infraction of that glorious instrument; yet 
my colleague says I have violated it; he has not 
pointed to a single instance in which I have not 
observed it. 

My colleague an-aigns me for voting against all 
war supplies, and things of that sort. He inight 
have saved himself that trouble. It was known 
to the whole Senate. What I did I have not done 
in a corner; it was hei-e in the Senate Chamber, 
and I admit it. I acted conscientiously. I believed 
I was right, and have no regrets in telling my col- 
league that I did what I believed was right. I may 
have been in error; but I have never regretted my 
action when I believed that action was right, and 
the duty was conscientiously performed. He read 
extracts from my speech denouncing the President 
for usurpation. I did, sir, in my place in the Sen- 
ate censure the President for suspending the writ 
of habeas corpus, and adding to the regular Army 
and Navy without the authority of Congress, and 
causing arrests to be made without warrant. I 
then believed and now believe that I was right in 
doing so; but even in that speech which perhaps 
has called upon me most of this censure, I said: 

" I still declare, to-day, that I desire these difficulties to 
be settled in any other way than by a recourse to arms. I do 
not believe this Union will ever be reinstated, or that it will 
ever be held together by force of arms. 1 believe that those 
who really love the Union, those who wish to restore the 
Union of these States, those who wish to bring them back 
in liarmony under the Constitution of the country, desire to 
avert war. I said in my place last winter that I believed 
war was equivalent to disunion. I solennily believe to-day 
that every buttle you fight will widen and deepen the chasm 
that divides the States of this Union. In my judgment, Sen- 
ators, you can never reunite this distracted, broken Con- 
federacy by force of arms. I do not believe that one sectiini 
can ever conquer the other ; but if it could, so far from that 
bringing about the result for which you go to war, you would 
have produced the very opposite; you would have forever 
destroyed the constitutional Union. 

" Senators, in my Judgment, we should make every effort 
to settle this matter peaceably. I would like to see this 
war instantly cease oji both sides, and then see the States 
that are now arriiyed in hostile attitude against each other, 
exhaust every means possible for the peaceful settlement of 
the difficulties by such amerulmetits to the Constitution as 
would satisfy all parties, and allow us to live in peace and 
harmony once inore a.i a united people. I desire to see this 



17 



Union reunited, and lliis consUtutinnal Cnnfederacy Ro on 
as a wliole, as niucli as any man in tliis Clianibcr. But F 
feel confident that you can never effect tiiat by arms. You 
must do it by compromise ; you must do it by conciliation. 
Yon cannot do it l)y force. I heartily concurred with the 
Senator from Illinois, (now. I regret, no more.) the late 
Mr. DouL'las, in the speech which he made here on the 15tli 
of March last. It so fully meets my views on this question 
of coercion, that I will send it forward, and ask the Clerk 
to read it. 

"The Clerk read, as follows : 

" 'I preft.T such an amicable settlement to peaceable dis- 
solution ; and I pref(!r it a thousand times to civil war. If 
we can adopt such amendments as will be satisfactory to 
Virginia. North Carolina, Teimessee, and the other border 
States, the plan of pacification which will satisfy them will 
create a Union party in the cotton States which will soon 
embrace a large majority of the people in those States, and 
bring them back of their own free will and accord ; and thus 
restore, strengthen, and perpetuate this glorious old Union 
forever. I repeat, whatever guarantees will satisfy Mary- 
land and the border States (the States now in the Union) 
will create a Union party in tlie seceded States that will 
bring them back by the voluntary action of their own people. 
You can restore and preserve the Government in that mode. 
You can do it in no other. 

"'War is disunion. War is final, eternal separation. 
Hence, disguise it as yon may, every Union man in Amer- 
ica must advocate such amendments to the Constituiion as 
will preserve peace and nistore the Union ; while every 
disunioiiist, whether openly or secretly plotting its destruc- 
tion, is the advocate of peaceful secession, or of war, as 
the surest means of rendt.'ring reunion and reconstruction 
impossible. 1 have too much respect for his intellect to be- 
lieve, for one moment, that there is a man for war who is 
not a disiinionist per se. Hence I do not mean, if I can pre- 
vent it, that the enemies of the Union— men plotting to de- 
stroy it— shall drag this country into war, under the pretext 
of protecting the public property and enforcing the laws 
and collecting revenue, when their object is disunion, and 
war the means of accomplishing a cherished purpose. 
" 'The disunionists, therefore, are divided into two classes : 
the one open, the other secret disunionists. The one is in 
favor of peaceful secession and a recognition of independ- 
ence ; the other is in favor of war as the surest means of 
accomplishing the object, and of making the separation 
final and eternal. 1 am a Union man, and henc(! against 
war; but if the Union must be temporarily broken by a rev- 
olution, and the establishment of a de facto government by 
some of the States, let no act be done that will prevent res- 
toration and future preservation. Peace is the only policy 
that can lead to that result. 

" ' Hut we aretold.and we hear it repeated everywhere, 
that we must find out whether we have got a Government. 
" Have we a Government?" is the question, and we are told 
we must test that (inestion by using the military power to 
put down all discontented spirits. Sir, this question, " have 
we a Government.'" has been propounded by every tyrant 
who has tried to keep his feet on the necks of the people 
since the world began. When the barons demanded Magna 
Ghana from King John at Kunnjinede, he exclaimed, 
" Have we a Government.'" and called for his army to put 
down the discontented barons. When Charles I attempted 
to collect the ship money in disregard of th.'; rights of the 
people, and was resisted by them, he exclaimed, " Have we 
a Government? We cannot treat with rebels ; put down 
tlie traitors ; we must show that we have a Government." 
When James II was driven from the throne of England for 
trampling on the liberties of the people, he called for his 
army, and exclaimed, " Let us show that we have a Gov- 
ernment." When George III called upon his army to put 
down the rebellion iti America, Lord North cried lustily, 
" No compromise with traitors ; let us demonstrate that we 
have a GovernuKUit." When, in 1848, the people rose upon 
their tyrants all over Europe and demandeil guarantees for 
their rights, every crowned head exclaimed, " Have we a 
Government?" and appealed to the army to vindicate their 
authority and enforce the law. 

" ' Sir', the history of the world docs not fail to condemn 
the folly, weakness, and wickedness of that Government 
which draws its sword upon its own pi'ople when they (U- 
manded guarantees lor their rights. This try, that we must 
have aGoverninent, is m<>rely followina the exanipleof the 
besotted liourbon, who ix'ver learned anything by mist'or- 
tune, never forgave an injury, never (nrgotan alfront. Must 
we demonstrate that we liave got a Government, and co- 



erce obedience without reference to the justice or injustice 
of the complaint? Sir, whenever ten millions of people pro- 
claim to you, with one unanimous voice, that they appre- 
hend their rights, their firesides, and their family altars are 
in danger, it becomes a wise Government to listen to the 
appeal, and to remove the apprehension. History does not 
record an example where any human government has been 
strong enough to crush t<'n millions of people into subjection 
whei\ they believed their rights and liberties were imperiled 
without first converting the Government itself into a des- 
potism, and destroying the last vestige of freedom.' 

" Mr. PowEi,!,. Mr. President, the sentiment expressed 
in the extract just read from the speech of the idlustrious 
Senator from Illinois, now no more, fully meets my ap- 
proval. I approved it when it was uttered in this Chamber ; 
I approve it now. I verily believe that those who propose 
to maintain the Union of these States by arms are disunion- 
ists. They may not wish to destroy the Union ; but the 
very means to which they resort for the purpose of saving 
it, will most assuredly accomplish its destruction. Hence 
I have been I'rom the beginning opposed to war, and I am 
now opposed to it. I think that, in this age, as a Christian, 
enlightened people, we should settle these difficulties with- 
out a resort to arms." 

I declared in that speecli that I was in favor of 
using every i\ieasure to reunite the Slates. I so 
stated in every speech that I ever made on the sub- 
ject. I defy any Senator to point to any speech 
of mine in which I do not distinctly declare for the 
constitutional Union. I have differed with Sena- 
tors as to the best means to bring about that result. 
Some thought it was best to do it by coercion. I 
thought it could only be done by concession and 
compromise. But, sir, I suppose this is the first 
time in the history of this nation that it was ever 
attempted to expel a Sc-nator because he held opin- 
ions that were not palatable to the majority. Mr. 
President, I am willing to stand by my congres- 
sional record; I do not regret the speeches 1 have 
made, or the votes I have given. I acted honestly 
and conscientiously, with the single view and in- 
tention of promoting the best interest of my coun- 
try, and savingthe country from war, desolation, 
and ruin. I am willing that impartial history shall 
pass upon it. I will abide the verdict. 

Mr. President, if my colleague would govern 
his vote by the principle he himself announced 
the other day, I should feel very sure that it would 
be in my favor. In speaking of Mr. St.^rk's case, 
he said: 

" Mr. President, we had a case involving tliis principle 
before the Senate a few weeks ago; and in the discussion 
and adjudgment of that case the principle seenied to begen- 
erallv conceded that an abstract opinion, however disloyal 
it might be, unaccompanied by an overt act, was not suffi- 
cient to expel a member from the Senate. 'J'hat was my 
own propositi"!!, and my own principle, and I now adhere 
to it ; I maintain it against all odds." 

Well, sir, all the charges brought against nie are 
but abstract opinions; and in truth there is but 
little in the resolutions that have been quoted 
against me, but what I have uttered here in my 
place in the Senate; for the whole scope :\nd verge 
of them was to maintain the neutrality of Ken- 
tucky, and to reunite the States by peaceable 
means. In this long listof charges brought against 
me by my colleague charging disloyally he does 
not point to overt acts. He says my purposes, if 
not my acts, are disloyal. I had supposed that 
there was no man who could look into the pur- 
poses of his brother, and summon him to trial and 
condemn him for what he proposed to do. I 
thought it was left to the omnipotent God alone to 
look into the hearts of men, and to find out their 



18 



purposes. I believe if the great Jehovah wished 
to make a vicegerent upon earth, and endow him 
with power to look into the consciences and mo- 
tives of men he would select a more amiable per- 
son than my colleague, one who was not so hasty 
to judge or quick to condemn; for my colleague is 
as intense a gentleman as I know of. He is very 
intense, very excitable, unrelenting, bitter, and 
unforgiviiig. I have always accorded to him hon- 
esty with his intensity; I do it now; but I do not 
believe that the great Jehovah would make a vice- 
gerent out of one who is so ill-natured, petulant, 
and so unforgiving as my colleague sometimes is. 
I think he would select a more benevolent, a more 
amiable, and a more forgiving person. I protest 
against my colleague sitting in judgment upon my 
motives. He is so filled wiih animosity, spite, and 
spleen, that he is incapable of doing me justice. 

Senator.v, so far as the charges, innuendoes, and 
deductions in this accusation, drawn up by my 
colleague, about my loyalty are concerned, 1 deny 
tiiat tiirrc is any truth in any of them. They are 
utterly unl'iulnded; they do not exist in fact, but 
only in my colleague's, I regret to say, prejudiced 
brain. I have not been disloyal to this Govern- 
ment, and [ do not intend to be. I liave always 
desired, and I now desire, the constitutional Union 
of our falliers restored. 1 desire to see all the stars 
blaze on our flag forever, each representing a free 
sovereign State, in the full enjoyment of every 
constitutional right, and my youthful fancy was 
that this might be a sea-girt Republic, and that the 
stars and stripes might wave over the whole con- 
tinent and all the islands thereunto adjacent. 

Senat(n-.s know how zealously I labored to settle 
this matitr in the beginning. I counseled with 
those who left us. I told them that they should 
stay and fii^lit the battle here. I believed, and hon- 
estly beliived, that coercion was not the way to 
bring them back. Others diOcred with me. They 
may be rii,^iit; I may be wrong. Time alone will 
determine that. I shall not discuss it. But I have 
looked somewhat into the history of the world, 
and I have seen no instance of confederate States 
that have been held together by coercion. I read 
in ancient history that the Amphictyonic league, 
the wisest, perhaps, of Grecian confederacies, was 
destroyed by an appeal to this doctrine of coer- 
cion. The majority of the States undertook to co- 
erce one of the States — the Phocians. They called 
in Philip of Macedon, too ready to avenge their 
quarrels. What was the result ? That celebrated 
league was destroyed; Philip came and possessed 
himself of a large portion ol' llie territories of the 
Grecian States. In after time, in the history of 
that justly celebrated people, the Achfean league 
existed. Coercion was attempted on a delinquent 
State; the Romans were called in; and that league 
was overthrown, and the last hope of Grecian lib- 
erty perished. 

Philip ][, of Spain, instead of yielding to the 
just demands of the people of the Netherlands, 
undertook coercion, and after a war of over thirty 
years, the Low Countries were wrested from his 
dominions by the determined and heroic valor of 
William the Silent and his successors and their 
brave followers. 

Great Britain turned a deaf ear to the just de- I 



mands of our fathers, undertook to coerce them, 
and lost forever the richest of her colonies. These 
pertinent, and to me instructive, examples, con- 
firm me in the opinion that our wisest and best 
policy was compromise and conciliation, not co- 
ercion and war. 

1 believed that we could do more by compromise 
and conciliation than by coercion. That was my 
belief from the beginning. I counseled tiiat. My 
advice was not taken. Other gentlemen quite as 
patriotic, and I dare say — indeed I know — much 
wiser than I, thought differently. I have to sub- 
mit to their judgment. I am but one. My coun- 
sels were not followed; my advice not taken. If 
they had been, I am confident we should have 
settled this matter by peaceful means, by adopt- 
ing amendments to the Constitution that would 
have satisfied the cotton States, the entire South, 
and thus have saved the Union, and averted this 
bloody and expensive civil war which so sorely 
devastates our once prosperous, free, and happy 
country. 

Bat 1 am astonished that my colleague, after 
laying down the very correct principle he did in 
Mr. Stark's case, should think that I should be 
expelled because I was opposed to coercion and 
war. Why, sir, I remember that Lord Chatham 
and Mr. Burke thundered in the cars of the Brit- 
ish Parliament o]iposition to the war against our 
fathers. Lord Chatham introduced resolutions 
into the British Parliament, and discussed them 
with great eloquence, great force, and great abil- 
ity, demanding the recall of the troops from Bos- 
ton; and yet they have been decreed by the judg- 
ment of mankind ]iatriots and wise statesmen. 
The lamented Douglas made a most able and elo- 
quent speech against coercion in thi-s Chamber in 
March last, extracts from which I have read to 
the Senate. I have also read extracts from the 
speeches of the most illustrious of our fathers — 
statesmen eminent for their ability and patriotism 
— who opposed this doctrine of coercion. In op- 
posing coercion, I have but followed the teachings 
of our wisest statesmen. 

Mr. President, this country has been engaged 
in wars before this. The war of 1812 was going 
on when I was an infant. I discover, in looking 
into the congressional proceedings of that time, 
that there were many members who voted against 
supplies of men and money. Even last night, 
after my colleague so fiercely arraigned me, 1 took 
up the proceedings of Congress and I noticed that 
an act to provide additional military force in the 
year 1813, was opposed most vehemently by Mr. 
.Tosiah GLuincy, of Massachusetts, and others. 
They thought the force was going to be used to 
invade Canada. I did not read the debate at large, 
but I read enough to show that that was the lead- 
ing idea upon which they based their opposition. 
They opposed the increase of the Army, and the 
vote on the passage of the bill stood — yeas 77, 
nays 42. Would it have been just if those gen- 
tlemen honestly entertained the sentiments they 
expiessed, to have expelled them from the House 
on the ground that they were not loyal to the 
country ? 

In the war with Mexico there were men who 
voted against supplies for our Army, and my col- 



19 



I 



league, who was a member of the other House at 
that time, declared in a speech, which I noticed 
last night in the Globe, that he intended to vote 
men and money, and yet lie denounced the Pres- 
ident as a usur[)er for bringing on the war; and I 
find that my colleague voted against the Treasury 
note and loan bill at that day. I saw among the 
names of those who voted against it a Mr. Foot. 
I believe it is the honorable Senator who so wor- 
thily represents the Slate of Vermont in this Hall. 
The honorable Senator from New York [Mr. 
King] was also among the nays. The vote on that 
bill was, yeas 119, nays 47. It was a proposition 
to borrow §10,000,000, and issue Treasury notes. 
There are now three gentlemen in this House who 
voted against that bill. I certainly would not 
think of arraigning those honorable gentlemen for 
that vote. I have no doubt they acted conscien- 
tiously — did what they thought was right — and 
perhaps their vote was right. I am not silling in 
judgment upon it; but I merely note these things 
to show you that honorable and patriotic gentle- 
men might give a vote even against war supplies 
without being justly obnoxious to the charge of 
disloyally. 

Then there were some gentlemen who voted 
against a bill supplementary to an act providing 
for the prosecution of the war, about the troops, 
&c. This bill was of no great importance. My 
colleague and those othergenllemen named voted 
against that bill, and so did many members of the 
Whig party at that day. I do not know the vole 
on the main bill. I merely mention these things, 
not to censure, but to show to the Senate that 
honorable gentlemen, patriotic gentlemen, gentle- 
men who love their country, may speak, and vote 
even, against men and money without being cen- 
sured and driven from their places on the ground 
of disloyalty. 

Senators, after listening attentively, as I did, to 
the speech of my colleague, his whole ground is 
tiiat I have not voted to carry out these war meas- 
ures. In my action in thi.s body, I have on all 
occasions spoken and voted in such manner as I 
thought was right; and while I retain a seat here I 
will continue to do so; I will utter my honest sen- 
timents. I will vote for or against measures as I 
may think them right or wrong. Tliat it is my 
duty to do, and I should be an unworthy repre- 
sentative of a free people unless I did so. While 
I do that, I am not prepared, and do not intend, 
to impeach the loyalty of others because they differ 
from me. If it comes to that, that a Senator cannot 
speak and vote as he thinks proper and right with 
out expulsion, then the majority are masters and 
the minority are slaves, and a seat in the American 
Senate would no longer be desired by an honest 
man or a patriot. I never have given a vote, I never 
have made a speech, I never have uttered a senti- 
ment, I never have advocated a principle that I did 
not believe was calculated to promote the public 
good, to preserve the constitutional Union, and to 
reconstruct the broken Confederacy. That has 
been my object, nothing else. I may have been I 
wrong in many of the principles I have advocated; | 
I have, at least, been sincere, honest, and patriotic. | 
Senators, 1 am obliged to you for your atten- i 
tion, I submit this case to your impartial judg- I 



ments, and I feel that you will decide it in a man- 
ner becoming your high character. After the 
report of the committee I should not have said a 
word but for the extraordinary speech of my col- 
league. I was driven to reply to that speech. The 
committee, consisting of gentlemen opposed tome 
politically with one exception, five of them Re- 
publicans, after a full investigation made a report 
adverse to the resolution; and I certainly should 
have rested the case on that report without say- 
ing one word to the Senate; and if my colleague 
had confined himself strictly to the record, I did 
not propose to open my mouth. I again thank 
you for the indulgent and patient attention with 
which you have listened to me. 

APPENDIX. 

Resolutions adopted by the Union State Convention 
held in Louisville on the 8th of January, 1861. 
The following resolutions were reported to the 
Union Democratic Slate convention by a com- 
mittee composed of the following gentlemen, to 
wit: Governor Dixon, W. G. Thompson, Judge 
Barkee, J. P. Barbour, Alexander Lusk, J. F. 
Bullitt, John Jackson, V. B. Young, T. L.Jones; 
and to the Union Stale convention by the follow- 
ino- committee, to wit: Hon. Garrett Davis. Hon. 
Jtishua F. Bi'U, J. L. Shackelford, AV. L. Under- 
wood, .John W. Crocket, Z. Wheal, Thomas W. 
Riley, W. C. Goodloc, P. B. Muir, J. B. Hus- 
ton, Orlando Brown, James Taylor, were unani- 
mously adopted by both meetings: 

'' Rcsoh-ed, Tliat the people of Keiitucky place the liigli- 
est estimate on the Union of these Suites, on terms fair and 
just to all of its members; it is a Union made and com- 
mended to us by our patriotic ancestors, as a priceless leg- 
acy to be preserved by their children ; that it will not cost 
a tithe of the patriotism and forbearance to save it that it 
did our fathers to make it ; that it aflbrds us a better gov- 
ernment for peace and liberty at home and defense against 
aggression from abroad than is likely to be made out of its 
parts. 

'• Resolved, Th:\t although we of the slave States, and 
especially of Kentucky, have great reason to complain of 
bad fellowship and u nings done us both in character and 
property by sonu; of the citizens of the free States, and the 
States themselves, who have broken faith with us and gone 
astray from the landmarks of our fathers, yet we are ar- 
dentlv attached to our national Union ; and, trusting that 
they will yet give us that justice we demand, and without 
which we cannot be friends, we still proclaim ourselves in 
favor of the Union, and so long as there is hope of preserv-* 
ing it on the basis of the Constitution, we will maintain 
and defend it. 

'■ Resolved, That all laws of thefree States which nullify 
and impair the full and fair operation of the fugitive slave 
law are in conflict with the national Conslituti(ni, and we 
demand their repeal at Uie earliest practicable moment. 

" Resolved, That we consider the election of a President 
by one section of the Union on the ground of opposition l» 
the institutions of the other as a severe test ol'tlie patriotism 
and forbearance of the minority; but that notwithstanding 
this ill-advised experiment on tlie harmony of the Union, 
we do not regard the election of Abraham Lincoln as a 
cause for its dissolution. 

" Resolved, That we have in the majority of botli Houses 
of the next Congress a sufficient secmity against any de- 
signs of airsression upon the rights of the South, and that it 
is the ilnlv ol the southern Slates to avail themselves of this 
fact in the uperation of our institutions, and not desert the 
Union at this crisis, when we have a victory instead of a 
defeat in the main departments of the Federal Government, 
especially as those departments are sustained by a large 
majorltv of the popular vote of the United States. 

'• Resolved, That if this anti-slavery parly should increase 
in strength, and be able to carry out its purposes in the use 



20 



'of tlie Federal Government, iIk; South lias ample means of 
resistance, and is fully able, at any time, to resist unconsti- 
tutional aggressions ; and vvu have, therefore, no need to 
adopt hastily this last resort. 

" Resolrcil, That the claim set up by a majority of the free 
States to all the territory, and the assumption "of the right 
10 restrict the South from the occupancy of any of ihe com- 
mon Territories with theirinstitutiuns, is unjust and uncon- 
stitutional, and will not be submitted to by a free people 
jealous of their rights. 

" Kcsolred, That we hereby recommMid the adoption of 
tlie proposition of our distinguished Senator, John J. (Crit- 
tenden, as a fair and honorable adjustment of the difficul- 
ties which divide and distract the people of our beloved 
country, which are as follows : 

'•Joint resolution proposing certain amendments to the 
Constitution of the United States. 

" Whereas serious and alarming dissensions have arisen 
between the northern and southern States concerning the 
rights of the slaveholding States, and especially their rights 
in the common territory of the United States ; and whereas 
it is eminently desirable and proper that those dissensions 
wliich now threaten the very existence of this Union should 
be permanently quieted and settled by constitutional pro- 
visions wiiich shall do equal justice to all sections, and 
thereby restore to the people that peace and good will which 
ought to prevail between all the citizens of the United 
States : Therefore, 

''Rcsoh-cd by lite Senate and Houseof Rejiresenlatices of Ike 
United States of America in Compress asseinljlcd, (two thirds 
of both Houses concurring,) That the following articles be, 
and are hereby, proposed and submitted as amendments to 
the Constitution of the United States, which shall be valid 
to all intents and purposes as part of said Constitution 
when ratified by conventions of three fourths of the several 
States. 

"Art. 1. In all the territory of the United States now.held, 
or hereafter acquired, situated north of latitude 36° 30', sla- 
very, or involuntary servitude, except as a punislnnent for 
crime, is prohibited while such territory shall remain under 
territorial government, in all the territory south of said 
line of latitude slavery of the African race is hereby recog- 
nized as existing, and shall not be interfered with by Con- 
gress ; but shall be protected as property by all the depart- 
ments of the territorial government during its continuance, 
and when any territory'north or south of said line, within 
sucli boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain 
the population re(|nisite fora member of Congress, accord- 
ing to the then Federal ratio of representation of tlie people 
of tlie United States, it shall, if its t'orni of government be 
republican, be admitted into this Union on an equal footing 
with the original States, with or without slavery, as the 
constitution of such new State may provide. 

" Art. -2. Congress shall have no powerto abolish slavery 
ill places under its exclusive jurisdiction, and situated with- 
in the limits of States that permit the holding of slaves. 

" Art. 3. Congress shall have no powerto abolish slavery 
from th(^ District of Cohimbia so long as it exists in the ad- 
joining States of Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor with- 
out the consent of the inhabitants, nor without just com- 
pensation first made to such owners of slaves as do not 
♦consent to such abolishment. Nor shall Congress at any 
time prohibit officers of the Federal Government, or mem- 
bers of Congress, whose duties require them to bo in said 
District, from bringing with them their slaves, and holding 
tliem as such, during the time their duties may require them 
to remain there, and afterwards taking them from the Dis- 
trict. 

" ,'\rt. 4. Congress shall have nopower to prohibit or hin- 
der the transportation of slaves from one State to another, 
or to a Territory in which slaves are by law permitted to be 
lield, whether that transportation be by land, navigable riv- 
ers, or by Ihe sea. 

'•.*\Rr. 5. That, in addition to the provisions of tlie third 
paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the 
Constitution of the United States, Congress shall have 
power to provide by law, and it shall be its duty to so pro- 
vide, tliat the United States shall pay to the owner who 
shall apply for it the full value of his fugitive slave, in all 
eases, when the marshal or other officer whose duty it was 
to arrest said fugitive was prevented from so doing by vio- 
lence or intimidation, or when, after arrest, said fugitive 
was rescued by force and the owner thereby prevented and 
obstructed in the pursuit of his reme<ly for the recovi-ry of 
his fugitive slave under the said clause of the Constitution 



and the laws made in pursuance thereof. And in all such 
cases, when the United States shall pay for such fugitive, 
they shall have the right, in their own name, to sue the 
county in which said violence, intimidation, or rescue was 
committed, and to recover from it, with interest and dam- 
ages, the amount paid by thein for said fugitive slave. And 
the said county, after it has paid said amount to the United 
States, may, for its indemnity, sue and recover from the 
wrong doers, or rescuers, by whom the owner was pre- 
vented from the recovery of hiK fugitive slave, in like man- 
ner as the ovi'ner himscif might have sued and recovered. 

"Art. 6. No futureamendmentof the Constitution shall 
afieet the five preceding articles, nor the third paragraph of 
the second section of the first article of the Constitution, 
nor the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth 
article of said Constitution, and no amendment shall be 
made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to 
('(ingress any power to abolish or interfere with slavery in 
any of the States by whose laws it is or may be allowed or 
permitted. 

" Resolied, That we tender cordial greeting to our faith- 
ful allies of the North who have so long battled for our 
rights and endeavored to beat back the tide of fanaticism, 
in their midst ; we hail them as brethren good and true, and 
bid them stand firmly by us in the preservation ofourGen- 
eral Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the 
' sheet anchor' of our peace at home and our safety abroad. 

" Resolved, That we cannot regard the Conslitution ot 
the United States as a mere compact to be brok(^n at the 
will of each, but as more and greater than that — the great 
bond of the people, establishing a more perfect union for 
themselves and their posterity, only to be dissolved by com- 
mon consent or revolution. 

'■'■Resolved, That we recommend to the Legislature of the 
State to put these amendments in form, and submit them 
to the other States; and that, if the disorganization of the 
present Union is not arrested, that tlie States agreeing to 
these amendments of the Federal Constitution shall forma 
separate confederacy, with power to admit new States un- 
der our glorious Constitution thus amended. 

"■Resolved, That it is expedient to call a convention of 
tiie border free and slave States, and such other States as 
may see fit to unite with them, to consider the best mode 
of settlement of the questions which now agitate and 
threaten to destroy the union of these States. 

" Resolved, That we deplore the existence of a Union to 
be held together by the sword, with laws to be enforced by 
standing armies ; it is not such a Union as our fathers in- 
tended, and not worth preserving. 

^^ Resolved, That if the State of Kentucky be represented 
in any convention oi' the States, such representation should 
be chosen by the people themselves." 

Proceedings and Resolutions of a Mass Meeting of Five 

Thousand Union Men, held at Louisville on the 18th of 

April, 1861. 
• "One of the grandest and largest public meetings ever held 
in Louisville filled the great east hall of the court-house last 
night, in response to a call for a sober expression as to thg 
proper position for Ivenlucky to assume in the present 
crisis. £t was a splendid meeting, both as regards num- 
bers and material. It was a closely attentive and under- 
standing assemblage, of the best intelligence of the city, 
and its effect must b(; wide and wholesome. If the war- 
ring sections will but respect Kentucky's position and her 
advice, all may yet be well, civil war averted, and peace 
restored. We were more than gratified with the meeting 
and its work. The stars and stripes were on both sides of 
the speaker's stand, and were frequently cheered as allu- 
sions to the national banner were made. 

"James Speed, Fsq., called the meeting to order, and 
nominated Judge IMrlle as chairman. The nomination was 
unanimously confirmed. 

•' Mr. Speed then nominated Messrs. W. E. Glover, C. D. 
Pennebaker, A. U. Sempic, G. W. Houghton, Phil. Tom- 
pert, A. D. Hunt, Geo. Ainslie, and James Malona as vice 
presidents, all of whom were elected by acclamation. 
Lewis E. Harvie, Es(|., was appointed secretary. 

'• Judge Pirtle briefly addressed the nieeting on taking the 
chair, expressing his thanks for the honor conferred upon 
him, and upon the importance of the occasion. He urged 
that reason and reflection should govern the course of Ken- 
tucky, and not passion and resentment. 

" lion. Nat. \Volfe moved the appointment ofaeommittoc 
on resolutions, and the following gentlemen were accord- 



21 



ingly appointed to draft resolutions expressive of the sen- 
timents and sense of tlie meeting: Nat. Wolfe, Love) Uiis- 
seaii, Josepli Speed, G. A. Hougiiton, J. H. Harney and 
Judge Bullocl«. 

" Hon. Nat. Wolfe, from llic ooniniittee on resolutions, 
reported the following preainlile and n^solutions, which 
were adopted with liardly a dissenting voice: 

" Events of commanding importance to the future safely 
and honor of Kentucky have occurred whicli call for action 
on the part of her citizens ; and every consideration of self- 
interest, and every dielate of wisdom and patriotism must 
prompt our State to maintain most resolutely her |)Osition 
of loyalty. Situated on tlie border of the slave States, with 
seven hundred miles of territory exposed to tlii; hostile at- 
tack, should the ITnion be divided into two separate sover- 
eignties, and with but one million of population to oppose 
the four or five millions of the States contiguous to her, 
which might become unfriendly, Kentucky owes it to her- 
self to exercise a wise precaution before she precipitates 
any course of action which may involve h(;r in an interne- 
cine war. She has no reason to distrust the present kindly 
feelings of the people who reside on the north bank of the 
Ohio river, long her friendly neighbors, and connected by 
a thousand ties of business and consanguinity, but she must 
realize the fact that if Kentucky separates from the Fed- 
eral Union and assumes her sovereign powers as an inde- 
pendent State, that Ohio, rndiaiia, and Illinois, remaining 
loyal to the Federal Union, must become her political an- 
tagonists. If Kentucky deserts the stars and stripes, and 
those States adhere to the flag of the Union, it seems im- 
possible to imagine a continuance of our old friendly rela- 
tions when constantly recurring causes of irritation could 
not be avoided. It is from no fear that Kentucky would not 
always prove herself equal to the exigencies of any new 
position she might see proper to assume, and from no dis- 
trust of the bravery of hi,r sons that these sugirestions are 
made, but as ' when in the course of human events it be- 
comes necessary lor one people to dissolve the political 
bands which have connected them with another, a decent 
respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should 
declare the causes which impel them to a separation,' so 
an equal necessity exists that we should not dissolve tlifjse 
bands with old friends and neighbors without calling to our 
aid every suggestion of prudence, and exliausting every 
etTort to reconcile difficullies.before taking steps which can- 
not be retraced, and may h ad to exasperation, collisions, 
and eventual war: Therefore, 

" Be it resolved, 'i'liat as the confederate States have, 
by overt acts, commenced war against the United States, 
without consultation with Kentucky and their sister south- 
ern States, Kentucky reserves to herself the right to choose 
lier own position, and that, while her natural sympathies are 
with those who have a common interest in the protection 
of slavery, she still acknowh'dges her loyalty and fealty to 
tlie Government of the United States, which she will cheer- 
fully render until that Government becomes aggressive, 
tyrannical, and regardless of our rights in slave property. 

"2. That the national Government should be tried by its 
acts, and that the several States, as its peers in their ap- 
propriate spheres, will hold it to a rigid accountability, and 
require that its acts should be fraternal, in their efforts to 
bring back the seceding States, and not sanguinary or co- 
ercive. 

"3. That as we oppose the call of the President for v(d- 
nnteers for the purpose of coercing the seceding States, so 
we oppose the raising of troops in this State to coiiperate 
with the southern confederacy, when the acknowledged 
inteniion of tlie latter is to march upon the citv of Wash- 
ington and capture the capital, and wlien in its march 
tliither it must pass through States which have not yet 
renounced their allegiance to the Union. 

"4. Tiiat secession is a remedy for no evils, real or im- 
aginary, but an aggravation and complication of existing 
ditficuities. 

" 5. That the memories of the past, the interests of the 
present, and the solemn convictions of future duty and use- 
fulness in the hope of mediation, prevent Kentucky from 
taking part with the seceding States against the General 
Government. 

"6. That 'the present duty of Kentucky is to maintain 
her present independent position, taking sides not with the 
Administration nor with the sec-cding States, but with the 
Union asainst them both, declaring her soil to be sacred 
from the liostile tread of cither, and, if necessary, to make 
tlie declaration good with her strong right arm.' 

'•7. That to the end Kentucky maybe fully prepared for 



any contingency, ' we would have her arm herselfthorough- 
ly at the earliest practicable moment,' by regular legal ac- 
tion. 

"8. That we look to the young men of the Kentucky 
State Guaiil as the bulwarks of the safety of our Common- 
wealth, and that we conjure them to remember that tinty 
are pledged equally to fidelity to the United States and Ken- 
tucky. 

•'9. That the Union and the Constitution, being mainly 
the work of southern soldiers and statesmen, in our opin- 
ion, furnishes a surer guarantee for ' southern riglits' than 
can be found under any other system of government yet 
devised by man." 

Action of Kentucky Rcspecthi;:; Federal Relations. 

January 21. 1861, Mr. George W. Ewing, representative 
from Logan county, laid before the House the following 
joint resolutions: 

" Resolved litiihe General JJssemhly of the Commontvenlth 
of Kentucky, 'I'liat this General Assembly has heard with 
profound regret of the resolutions leeently adopted by the 
States of New York, Maine, and Massachusetts, tendering 
men and money to the President of the United Stales to 
be used in coercing certain sovereign States of the South 
into obedience to the Federal Government. 

"Resolved, Thai this Geni'ral Assembly receives the 
action of the Legislatnrts of New York, Ohio, Maine, and 
I Massachusetts tis the indication of a purpose upon the part 
I of the people of these States to further complicate existing 
j difficulties by forcing the people of the South to the ex- 
tremity of submission or resistance; and so regarding it, 
the (Governor of the Slate of Kentucky is hereby requested 
to inform the Executives of each of said States that it is the 
opinion of this General Assembly that wheneverthe author- 
ities of these States shall send armed forces to the South 
for the purpose indicated in said resolutions, the p(!ople of 
Kentticky, uniting with their breilnen of the South, will, 
as one man, ri>sist such invasion of the soil of the South at 
all hazards and to the last extremity." 

The first resolution above was adopted — yeas 93-, nays 
none ; and the second was adopted — yeas 87, nays 6. 

Resolutions recommending call for a convention of the 
United States. 

Whereas the people of some of the States feel themselves 
deeply aggrieved by the policy and measures which have 
been adopted by the people of some of the other Stales ; and 
whereas an amendnn-nt of the Constitution of the United 
States is deemed indispensably necessary to secure them 
against similar grievances in the future : Therefore, 

Resolved by tlie General Assembly of the Commontcealtk 
of Kentucky, That application to Ciingress to call a conven- 
tion for proposing amendments to the Constitution of the 
United Stales, pursuant to the fifth article thereof, be, and 
the same is hereby, now made by this General Assembly of 
Kentucky; and we hereby invite our sister Slates to unite 
with us, without delay, in similar application to Congress. 

Resolved, 'I'U^t the Governor of this Slate forthwith com 
niunieate the foretioing resolution to the President of the 
United States, with the request that he immedlatidy place 
the same before Congress ami the Executives of the several 
States, with the request that they lay them before their 
respective Legislatures. 

Resolved, If the convention be called in accordance with 
the provisions of the foregoing resolutions, the Legislature 
of the Commonwealth of Kentucky suggest for the consid- 
eration of that convention, as a basis for settling existing 
difficulties, the adoption, by way of ameinlments to the Con- 
stitution, the resolutions offered in the Senate of the United 
States by Hon. John J. Crittenden. • 

Approved, January 25, 1861. 

Resolutions appointing commissioners to attend confer- 
ence at Wasliinglon city. February 4, in accordance with 
the invitation of the Virginia Legislature. 
Whereas, the General Assembly of Virginia, with a view 
to m.ike an effort to preserve this (Tnion and the Constitu- 
tion in the spirit in which they were established by the 
fathers of the Republic, have, by resolution, invited all the 
Slates who are willing to unite with her in an earnest effort 
to adjust the present unhappy controversies, to appoint 
commissioners, to meet on the 4th February next, to con- 
sider, and, if i>raclicable, agree upon some suitable adjust- 
ment. 
Resolved, Thai we hereby accept the invitation of our old 



22 



V 



\o 



mother Virginia, and that the following six commissioners, 
William O. Butler, J. B. Clay, J. F. Bell, C. S. Morehead. 
Charles A. VVicklitte, and James Guthrie, be appointed to 
represetjt the State of Kentucky in the contemplated con- 
vention ; whose duty it shall be to repair to the city of 
Washington, on the day designated, to meet such commis- 
sioners as may he appointed by any of the Slates in .accord- 
ance with the foregoing invitation. 

Resolved, That if said commissioners shall agree upon 
any plan of adjustment requiring amendments to the Fed- 
eral Constitution, they be requested to communicate the 
proposed amendments to Congress for the purpose of having 
the same submitted by that body, according to the forms of 
that Constitution, to the several States for ratification. 

Rcsoli-ed, That if said commissioners cannot agree in an 
adjustment, and, if agreeing. Congress shall refuse to sub- 
mit for ratification such amendments as they may propose, 
tlie commissioners of this State shall immediately commu- 
nicate tile result to the Executive of this Commonwealth, 
to be by him laid before this General Assembly. 

Resolved, That in the opinion of the General Assembly 
of Kentucl<y, the propositions embraced in the resolutions 
presented to the Senate of tlie United States by the Hon. 
John J. Crittenden, so construed that the first article pro- 
posed as an an)endnient to the Constitution of the United 
States shall apply to all the territory of the United States 
now held or liereafter acquired, south of latitude 36° .30', and 
provide that slavery of the African race shall be efl'ectually 
protected as property therein during the continuance ofthe 
territorial government, and the fourth article shall secure 
to the owners of slaves the right of transit with their slaves 
between and through the uon-slaveholding States and Ter- 
ritories, constitute tiie basis of such an adjustment of the 
unhappy controversy which now divides the States of this 
Confederacy as would be acceptable to the people of this 
Commonwealth. 

Resolved, That the Governor be, and he is hereby, re- 
quested to communicate information of the foregoing ap- 
pointment to the commissioners above named, at as early 
a day as practicable, and that he also communicate copies 
of the foregoing resolutions to the Executives of the re- 
spective States. 

Approved January 29, 1861 . 

Resolutions declaring further action by the Legislature 

on political ali'airs unnecessary and inexpedient at this 

time. 

Resolved hy the General ^ssemhly of the Commonwealth 
of Kentucky] That the people of Kentucky view with the 
most lively apprehensions the dangers that now environ tlie 
Union and threaten its perpetuity. 

Resolved, That we appeal to our southern brethren to 
stay the work of secession— to return and make one mighty 
effort to perpetuate the noble work of our forefathers, hal- 
lowed by the recollection of a thousand noble <lee(ls. 

Resolved, That we protest against the use of force or co- 
ercion by the General Government against the seceding 
States as unwise and inexpedient, and tending to the de- 
struction of our common country. 

Resolved, That as this General Assembly has made an 
application to Congress to call a national convention to 
amend the Constitution of the United States, and requested 
the Legislatures of all the other States to make similar ap- 
plications, and has appointed connnissioners to meet those 
which have been appointed by the State of Virginia, and 
such as may be appointed by other States, at a designated 
time and place, to consider and, if practicable, agree upon 
some suitable adjustment of the present unhappy contro- 
versy, it is unnecessary and inexpedient for this Legislature 
to take any further action on this subject at the present 
time ; and as an ^idence of the sincerity and good faith of 
our propositions for an adjustment, and our expression of 
devotion to the Union and desire for its preservation, Ken- 
tucky awaits with deep solicitude the responses from her 
sister States. 

Approved February 11, 1861. 

An act to provide for the election of delegates to a conven- 
tion to be held at Frankfort. 
Be if. eiiacleil hy the General Jlssembly of the Common- 
wcaltk of Kentucky, That an election shall be held, on the 
first Saturday in May next, at aH the election precincts iii 
this State, to elect twelve delegates to a convention ofthe 
border slave States, and such other slave States as have not 
passed ordinances of secession, to meet at Frankfort, Ken- 



tucky; and said delegates shall be voted for and elected by 
the State at large, in the same manner that State officers 
are now elected; and the same laws which apply to and 
regulate the mode of the election of State officers by the 
qualified voters of the whole State, shall apply to and govern 
the election of said delegates. 

Sec. 2. That the persons who may be thus elected shall 
be commissioned by the Governor as delegates to said con- 
vention, and are empowered to meet the delegates from the 
States aforesaid, in convention, to consult on the critical 
condition of the country, and agree upon some plan of 
peaceable adjustment. 

Sec. 3. 'J'lie convention shall be held on the 27th of May 
next, or at such other time as a majority of the delegates 
elected in this State may appoint, to suit the convenience 
ofthe delesates from the other States. 

Sec. 4. That one of the delegates to represent Kentucky 
in the borxler slave State convention shall be required to 
reside in each congressional district in this State. 

Sec. 5. This act sliall take etiect from its passage. 

Approved April 3, 1861. 

May 16, 1861, the Committee on Federal Relations made 
the following report: 

A majority of your committee, consisting of Messrs. 
Hodge, Buriiam, Wolfe, Carlisle, Lyne, Gowdy, Jacobs, 
and Buckner, recommend tlie passage of the following pre- 
amble an<l resolutions : 

Considering the deplorable condition ofthe country, and 
for which the State of Kentucky is in no way responsible, 
and looking to the best means of preserving the internal 
peace, and securing the lives, liberty, and property of the 
citizens ofthe State: Therefore, 

Resolved bythe House of Representatives, That this State 
and the citizens thereof sliall take no part in the civil war 
now being waged, except as mediators and friends to the 
belligerent parties ; and that Kentucky should, during the 
conti;st, occupy the position of strict neutrality; and your 
committee unanimously recommend the adoption of the 
following resolution : 

Resolved, That the act of the Governor in refusing to fur- 
nish troops or military force upon the call ofthe executive 
authority of the United States, under existing circum- 
stances, is approved. 

GEORGE B. HODGE, Chairman. 

The first resolution above was adopted — yeas 69, nays 26 ; 
and the second — yeas 89, nays 4. 

May 24, 1861, under a suspension ofthe rules, Mr. Bruner 
offered the following preamble and resolutions: 

Whereas there exists a civil war between the national 
Government and the seceded States, which Kentucky 
deeply deplores; a war she had no voice in creating, and 
in which she has hitherto refused to take a part, and she 
now refuses. Being a part ofthe national Government, in 
the enjoyment of its benefits — such as mail facilities, na- 
tional hospitals, Federal courts, protection at home and 
abroad, a garrison paid out of the national Treasury, into 
which she is paying revenue — and having a repies(Mitation 
in Congress, Kentucky ought, at least, to remain neutral till 
the end ofthe controversy; neither hindering the initional 
Government in the exercise of its authority, nor furnishing 
men, as a State, to eitherof the belligerents; noraskingaid 
from either to maintain her position ; she will, all the time, 
be ready and anxious to mediate between the belligerents, 
and will be profoundly happy, should she be able to recon- 
cile the contending parties, and arrest the shedding of fra- 
ternal blood by fraternal hands. With this position, Ken- 
tucky is willing to go before the civilized world and let her 
conduct pass into history, and await tjie candid and calm 
judgment of future and disinterested generations. Being 
connected with the seceded States geographically, and hav- 
ing the same domestic institution, she is unwilling to take 
up arms against them. Bijng atlachid lo the national Gov- 
ernment, under which she has always lived and greatly pros- 
pered, and having no cause for war against it, she cannot 
take up arms to overthrow it. Having in good faith taken 
this position, she asked the belligerents to respect it : There- 
fore, 

1. Resolved hy the General jlssembly of the Commonwealth 
of Kentucky, That Kentucky will not sever her connection 
with the national Government, nor will she take up arms 
for cither ofthe belligerent parties, but will arm licrself for 
the one purpose of preserving tranquillity and peace within 
our own borders. 

2. Resolved, That Kentucky now tenders, and to the end 
ofthe war all the time will tender, herself as mediator, and 



23 



tliat she will coiist:iiilly lie ri'ady to do all in her power to 
bring abont a just and honorable peace. 

3. ResoU'cd, That the Governor be directed to transmit 
a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolutions to the 
Presidents of the United States and of the seceded States, 
and to the Governors of each of the thirty-four States. 

Adopted by the Senate — yeas 13, nays 9. 

Letter from Hon. Garrett Davis. 

Baltimore, JlpritilS, 1851. 
Dear Sir: Early last week I determined, upon my own 
reflection and impulse, to make a hurried run to Washing- 
ton, to take a view of public affairs there, and from there; 
and to talk with the President and some of the members of 
his Cabinet in relation to our national troubles, and how 
the Administration intended to treat them. 

That if Kentucky made no demonstration of force against 
the United Slates, lie would not molest lier. That he re- 
gretted the necessity of marching troops across Maryland, 
but forces to protect the seat of the United States Govern- 
ment could not be concentrated there without doing so; 
and he intended to keep open a line of coniniunieation 
through that State to VVasliington city, at any risk, but in a 
manner least calculated lo irritate and inflame her people. 

In this time of gloom and danger, when the nation is 
being rocked to its base, and so many States are leaping 
headlong into the abyss of revolution, it is the paramount 
duty of every true son of Kentucky to give all his efforts to 
save her from the fatal plunge, and thus keep away from 
her borders the most terrible of all scourges, a civil and ser- 
vile war. Let her not become a party to t4iis most unneces- 
sary, unnatural, and revolting sectional strife. She had 
neither part nor lot in bring it on. It was precipitated by 
its arrogant authors without condescending to consult her, 
against her earnest remonstrances, and to put in peril all 
her interests, every hearthstone within her borders, and all 
her women and her children. Its flashes and thunders are 
gleaming and breaking in the southern horizon over the 
guilty heads of those who dared it, would have it, and there 
let it rage and waste its fury. There is no call of interest. 



of honor, or of duty upon us to rush into it and thus avert 
it from the South, and bring down its tury upon ourselves. 
Will we permit our sympathies for those who had none for 
us, or our reckless knight errantry, to intervene at the cost 
of having our fair and peaceful land ravaged with fire and 
sword .' 

I,et Kentucky look to herself and her own self-preserva- 
tion in this dread hour. Let her stand immovable as a rock 
peering above the tempest-tossed ocean, and as the red 
waves of war, from North or South, beat against her firm 
base, let her roll them back with all their desolation. To 
enable her to perform this difficult and perilous duty, let 
her clothe herself in full panoply. Let all her men andf 
her youths procure for themselves the most etl'ective ar 
and then themselves form an independent organizatif 
companies, regiments, and divisions. Let them dril' 
ouglily, and always be ready to defend their lioi 
their State from all enemies, within or without. L 
put themselves under the command of lirave and la 
men who are known to have no object but the defense an» 
preservation of our Commonwealth and the reconstruction 
of the Union. Let us husband our resources and perfect 
our military organization, and when the contending parties 
become worn and wasted by a prolonged and bloody war, 
we can then effectively interfere to command a general 
peace. 

Faithfully yours, G A RKETT DAVIS. 

George D. Prentice, Esq. 

The resolution was rejected by tlie following 
vote: 

YEAS — ^lessrs. Davis, Dixon, Harlan, Howard, Howe, 
Lane of Indiana, Pomeroy, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Wade, 
and Wilkinson — 11. 

N.'WS — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Carlile, Clark, 
Cowan, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Hale, Harris, 
Henderson, Kennedy, King, I/ane of Kansas, Latham, Mc- 
Dougall, Nesmilh, Pearce, lUce, Saulsbury, Stark, Thom- 
son, Trumbull, Willey, Wilson of JMassachusetts, Wilson 
of Missouri, and Wright— 28. 



Printed at the office of the Congressional Globe. 



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